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THE TENNESSEE HISTORIC AT SOCIETY
FOUNDED 1849 INCORPORATED 1ST5
OFFICERS
President, JOHN H. DeWITT.
Vice-Presidents,
E. T. SANFORD,
PARK MARSHALL,
J. P. YOUNG,
Mrs. B. D. BELL.
Recording Secretary and Treasurer, J. TYREE FAIN.
Assistant Recording Secretary, HALLU1M W. GOODLOE.
Corresponding Secretary W. A. PROVINE.
FORM OF LEGACY
"1 give and bequeath ta The Tennessee Historical Society the sum of dollars."
CONTENTS
Page
Calvin Morgan McClung 5
Dr. George F. Mellen, Knoxville, Tenn.
The Natchez Trace 29
Dr. R. S. Cotterill, Louisville, Ky.
The Boyhood of President Polk 38
Hon. A. V. Goodpasture, Clarksville, Tenn.
The Battle of King's Mountain 53
Hon. Samuel C. Williams, Atlanta, Ga.
COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATION
John H. DeWitt, Business Manager, Stahlman, Building, Nashville, Tenn.
Dr. William A. Provine, Editor, Presbyterian Building, Nashville, Tenn.
J. Tyree Fain, Treasurer, 200 3rd Ave., N., Nashville, Tenn.
Calvin Morgan McClunc
TENNESSEE HISTORICAL MAGAZINE
Vol. 7 APRIL 1921 No. 1
CALVIN MORGAN McCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY*
An Address Delivered June 15, 1921, at the Opening of the
Calvin M. MeClung Historical Collection, by
Dr. George F. Mellen
As a participant in the formal presentation of the Calvin M. MeClung Historical Collection to the Lawson McGhee Li- brary, the place assigned to me is, in as brief compass as pos- sible, to outline the life and character of him whose name it bears and to indicate the value and contents of the varied and rare treasures of his library. No monument erected to the memory of the knightly gentleman, versatile scholar, indus- trious investigator, and sincere patriot could prove more last- ing, beneficial and stimulating than that which, prompted by generosity and affection, Mrs. Barbara Adair MeClung has established through this munificent gift to Knoxville and vi- cinity. Further than the commemoration of a long, devoted, and unselfish service in its gathering, further than making the Lawson McGhee Library a Mecca to students of Southern his- tory, it will influence others of like-minded tastes and interests to contribute from their stock of garnered treasures additions that will enchance its value and usefulness.
I esteem it an honor and a privilege to contribute a small share in its consecration to high and noble purposes It would have been far more in accord with my inclinations and desires if the task had been committed to other hands. For reasons, deemed satisfactory, I sought repeatedly to be excused ; but the claims of an unbroken friendship of twenty-five years dura- tion and an abiding sense of spiritual communion, accentuated since Mr. McClung's death, have prevailed. However ill-fitted I may regard myself for the important, delicate, and difficult
*Used in this address is much of the sketch of Mr. MeClung- which the speaker ^^ wrote for the Knoxville Sentinel the day following his death; also much of the (yj Memorial which one week later he prepared at the request of the Lawson McGhee Library Trustees to be spread upon their minutes, and published in the Sentinel.
to
4 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
undertaking, there rang so frequently in my mind as to become persuasive and imperious these lines of Wordsworth:
"Stern daughter of the voice of God!
O Duty! if that name thou love Who are a light to guide, a rod
To check the erring, and reprove; Thou who art victory and law
When empty terrors overawe, Give unto me, made lowly wise,
The spirit of self-sacrifice."
My acquaintance and friendship with Mr. McClung, in their beginning, were coincident. The occasion was the alumni ban- quet of the University of Tennessee which took place in the old Hotel Imperial on June 13, 1894." I had responded to the toast, "Scholarship in the South." In the discussion I dwelt upon the indebtedness of the ante-bellum South to New Eng- land colleges and to Princeton for college presidents and pro- fessors, and followed this by showing how scholarship in the post-bellum South had so far progressed that many Northern institutions were calling Southern men to professorial posi- tions. His seat was not far removed from mine. The treat- ment of the subject so appealed to him that, after I had taken my seat, he drew his chair to my side, and thenceforth our souls were knit together. Though only three years a resident of Tennessee, my interest had already been enkindled in the romantic and picturesque phases of her history, and from that time in my investigations and writings I found him an unfail- ing source and .sympathetic helper. The splendid library which he afterwards built up into such handsome proportions was already in the making. It was about this time, as one of his partners in business, Mr. Bruce Keener, tells me, that his hitherto intense application to the interests of C. M. McClung & Co., found diversion and relaxation in the pursuits which eventually became the passion of his life. While through fre- quent access and free use I have all these past years been some- what familiar with the quality and scope of the collection, I confess the limitations of that knowledge when it comes to a description and differentiation of the wealth of its accumula- tions. For an adequate estimate, a broader and more accurate historical vision than mine is demanded. To study its growth and expansion is to mark the unfolding of striking personality and discriminating judgment as exhibited by its maker.
Biography
Calvin M. McClung was a singularly bright connecting link between the old and new in Knoxville life. In type he illus- trated its best business and noblest cultural elements. His an-
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY O
cestry went back to the inception of the village in the large place filled by Charles McClung and his wife, Margaret White, daughter of the city's founder, James White. Without inter- ruption this eminence of position has been occupied by their descendants and constitutes a heritage of which not only the immediate surviving family, but the entire citizenship is justly proud. Of Scotch-Irish descent in the main, he was born at St. Louis, Missouri, May 12, 1855, the first child of Franklin Henry and Eliza Ann (Mills) McClung. His paternal grand- parents were Matthew and Eliza Jane (Morgan) McClung, while on the mother's side his grandparents were Adam Lee and Matilda (Holtzman) Mills. His early education was se- cured in private schools of Knoxville and in the preparatory department of East Tennessee University, now University of Tennessee. In this institution be matriculated in due time as a freshman and from it received the B.A. degree in 1874, in course having conferred upon him the M.A. degree in 1877. After taking his baccalaureate degiee, he entered the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale University, whence he was graduated JB.S. in 1876. His student career was marked by a zealous de- votion fo his studies, and he emerged from college walls well equipped with the scholarly tastes and habits which were in evidence throughout life.
His business career of more than forty years he began in 1877 in the office of Cowan, McClung & Co., of which firm his father was a member. Five years later he bought a controlling interest in the wholesale firm, which became known as Mc- Clung, Powell & Co. Later it became C. M. McClung & Co., and was incorporated in 1905 under the latter firm name, with him president. Other business connections were as direc- tor for many years of East Tennessee National Bank, Knox- ville Woolen Mills Co., with an interest in other commercial and manufacturing enterprises. Of public and benevolent in- stitutions he was trustee or director of the following: Gray Cemetery, Knoxville Public Library and its successor, Lawson McGhee Library, Associated Charities of Knoxville, Tennessee School for Deaf and Dumb, continuing with the last until its Board of Trustees was succeeded by the State Board of Control. Of social organizations, he was a member of the Cumberland Club, while he was an active and enthusiastic member of such institutions as the National Geographical Society of America, Sons of the Revolution, American Historical Association, Ten- nessee Historical Society, and Virginia Historical Society. As a traveler in Europe, Asia, Canada, and the United States, his activities and observations embraced a wide scope.
Mr. McClung was twice married, first in 1881, to Annie Mc-
6 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
Ghee, of Knoxville, who died in 1898, second to Barbara Adair, of Atlanta, in 1905. To the first union were born two daugh- ters, Mrs. W. C. Ross, of Knoxville, and Mrs. George Gaul, of New York. Surviving him are three brothers, Franklin H. and Charles J. McClung, of Knoxville, and Robert G. McClung, of Boston ; and two sisters, Mrs. Rogers Van Gilder and Mrs. John W. Green, of Knoxville.
He died Wednesday, March 12, 1919, after a brief illness. An attack of acute indigestion, a malady from forms of which he was an occasional sufferer developed in the early evening at his place of business. One hour later he had drawn his last breath in his residence on the northwest corner of Clinch Avenue and Locust Street. On Friday morning, March 14, after funeral sendees at the home, conducted by Rev. Walter C. Whitaker, D.D., Rector of St. John's Episcopal Church, sur- rounded by relatives and friends, his remains were interred in Old Gray Cemetery.
But an hour or so before going to his office, he attended a meeting of the Lawson McGhee Library Board of Trustees, in which he manifested his usual cheerfulness and interest. His associates had no anticipation that the end was so near. It came just as he would have had it, and meant the rounding out of a remarkably useful and beneficent life. With the an- nouncement a sense of grief came over a multitude of hearts, and Knoxville realized the loss of a truly great citizen, one whose memory will be cherished among the choicest and most precious fruits of an honorable lineage and of a superior cul- ture.
Character
No one would have shrunk more instinctively from terms of eulogy when applied to him than Calvin McClung, and yet in the interest and for the emulation of the living some phases of his splendid character may be profitably emphasized. As indicated, he had a good start in life, through ancestral blood, educational advantages, and pecuniary conditions, but these he made incident and accessories in the forging of fortune and achievement of results. Diligence in business and fervency of spirit were contributory elements in the attainment of a position that might cause him to stand conspicuously among fortune's favorites. His charity of judgment and charitable- ness of purse admitted him to the ranks of those who serve most acceptably and perform in the noblest way. With a sim- plicity of taste that inhered fundamentally in his being, he constantly manifested a simplicity of life that made him a model. What was genuine he cherished, what was artificial
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 7
he disesteemed. To high ideals he was always loyal, and the spirit in which he exhibited them Was infectious. His patriot- ism amounted to a passion. He loved with an intense devotion his country, his section, his State, his home. To their welfare every fibre of his nature was consecrated. For their highest and best interest he was wiling to serve generously, though always out of the public eye.
Library Activities
After receiving his degree from Yale University and imme- diately upon beginning his business career, Mr. McClung be- gan work as a maker of libraries. Noting his literary tastes and activities, his father gave him unreserved rein to select and buy books for a library that would be representative of a cultured Southern family and home. The choice in the main fell upon the works of the best English and American authors over a widely distributed area. That some were historical is known from the fact that they are found in the present collec- tion, which contains two volumes numbered respectively 1298 and 1368, a luminous evidence of its completeness and variety. Contemporaneously with the carrying on of this private task he Was engaged upon the public task of promoting and enlarg- ing the work of the Knoxville Public Library. Of this, he was Treasurer and on the committee to select and purchase books until it. was absorbed by the larger foundation and after a useful service. It meant, no; only a continuance of effort, but a transfer to a much wider ii?ld when, in 1885, Col. Charles M. McGhee determined to found a library in memory of the beloved deceased daughter whose name it perpetuates. He was made a charter trustee of this by the terms of the McGhee war- ranty deed, and for the first third of a century of its existence the Lawson McGhee Library had his invaluable support and counsel. Through all the stages of its development to the present large place it fills in community life he was an influ- ential and progressive factor. When in the city, he was never known to be absent from a trustees' meeting. When the pres- ent elegant and commodious building was made possible by the joint action of the Lawson McGhee Library under private foundation and of the City Commission of Knoxville, as a mem- ber of the building committee of the Board of Trustees, it is not invidious to say, he was the principal factor in determining matters of interior decorations, fixtures and furnishings. So that, in a large sense, the public owes the comforts and em> bellishments of the inward structure to his alert eye and fine taste. In these features, as in every other, he was always active for the wise adaptation of the institution to serving the ends
8 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
of its establishment in the best possible way with the funds at command. The securing of competent librarians was through his individual effort and judgment, not sparing private ex- pense in long travels to ascertain the qualifications of candi- dates or to supplement salaries. Such a scrupulous and con- scientious devotion to a public institution has few parallels and entitles him to the perpetual gratitude of a people who enjoy the admirable fruits of his unselfish labors. Back of this in- terest in and enthusiasm for the Library was not only the spirit of love for books and culture, but the desire to diffuse among people a love for good literature and an attractive atmosphere for its enjoyment. To him literature contained the best ex- pression of life. He yearned for a knowledge of its truths and mysteries. Therefore he wished to see unfolded to others some- thing of their meaning and value as these had been disclosed to him to the satisfaction of mind and heart. Deeply religious by nature, he had wrought out of his readings and reflections a system of philosophy by which he lived in all good conscience, and which found hiim ready to pass with the summons into the great unknown and beyond. So through the enlightenment and meditation that emanate from a resort to literature he desired that the masses of mankind might find a solace in life and a haven of hopes as its sunset approached. Such deeds and such motives shine brightly as evidences of his exceptionally fine character and of his abiding interest in things of the spirit. They constitute an unfading chaplet of immortelles in the crown of his splendid achievements.
In Home and Private Library
However, it was in his home and private library that the bookman was seen to the best advantage. Blessed in fortune and enjoying a beautiful home life, in a great degree freed from business cares and responsibilities, he devoted especially the latter years of his life to work that signalized a rare conse- cratio to State and community, as is proved through the dedica- tory exercises of this occasion. In no sphere of intellectual activity and achievement did his native endowments shine with greater luster than in the assimilation and collection of his- torical matter pertaining to his immediate home and section. From its accumulation and exploitation he was aptly termed "the Lyman C. Draper of Tennessee." There was a thorough- ness and discrimination about the gathering of this material rarely excelled by any one who had spent his whole life in the processes of assortment and digestion. Underlying this activity was the consciousness not only of patriotic service, but of the permanent preservation of history touching a splendid people
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY \)
and picturesque civilization, and all actuated by a deep-seated affection.
Amid the almost countless mass of material there was such system of arrangement and preservation that he knew instant- ly where to put his hand to have forthcoming any volume or document. It was interesting to note with what care books and papers were handled. Dog-eared leaves were evidence of the commission of a crime, and the sight of them gave him posi- tive pain. To those capable of appreciation, he took genuine delight in exhibiting his rare collection of old books — many of them of great value — and autograph letters and signatures of distinguished men of the early days of the republic, and miniature portraits in oil of notable men and women. In many instances where he could not become the purchaser of famliy relics, he was entrusted for a time with miniatures of such cele- brities as William Blount and John Sevier, from which he caused to be made photographic reproductions. These it was his pleasure to distribute among friends of congenial tastes.
In the main, his rare books were in the domain of history and genealogy, particularly as these had reference to Tennessee and other Southern states. Such a degree of familiarity he had with family histories of the Old South that he was con- stantly applied to for information from all sections of the eountry. In supplying it, he was indefatigable in his researches and unfailing, as a rule, in securing the desired data. Indeed such services were not only laboriously and expensively, but cheerfully and freely rendered. His accuracy and industry were unsurpassable in the field that he had made peculiarly his own, and authors, writers, and investigators relied implicitly upon whatever items he furnished. His activity and interest went even further, and book-makers not infrequently submitted their manuscripts to him for criticism and revision, knowing that their work would come forth from him purged of not a few er- rors and accompanied by suggestions of significant value. His relations with several authors were intimate, and upon the occasion of visits of authors, writers, and book-lovers to Knox- ville, he dispensed to them a gracious hospitality, and that without heralding the fact to the outside world. Towards all such he was open-handed and free-hearted, and expended him- self in genuine service and refreshing intercourse. It is a merited statement of a fact that in all of his later library work, accumulations of literary treasures, efforts to preserve history, and encouragement of co-workers, he received the intelligent co-operation and cordial sympathy of his wife, Mrs. Barbara Adair McClung. Especially helpful was she in copying both printed and written material for inclusion among the rich stores of which he died possessed.
10 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
The amount of money value Mr. McClung expended in the gathering of his library can be estimated only approximately, and the present value of the collection likewise. In the later years of his life he uniformly wrote in lead pencil on the inner side of the back cover of a book or document the date and amount of purchase. From these pencil inscriptions and what I myself know from prices quoted on old and rare books, pamph- lets, autograph letters, maps, and newspapers, my estimate, which is intended to be conservative, is that he spent some |18,000 for the entire collection. He was a judicious pur- chaser, and this fact was realized by the many dealers with whom he had transactions. Through volumes of bibliography added to his libra'ry, the Publisher's Weekly, and multi- tudinous catalogues of second-hand dealers, practically all of which came to his desk, he had an intimate familiarity with val- ues and market prices. Since the large majority of his purchases were made, old books and all other rare Americana have dou- bled and tripled in prices, so that I should estimate the present value to be in figures around |40,000. As the years pass, the value will increase, and that for two reasons. Within recent years the private libraries of England have been ran- sacked by buyers on this side of the Atlantic ocean for choice specimens, and this source of supply is all but exhausted. In this country, more and more, these works are going into libraries and collections of a permanent character like this, so that when Americana is thrown upon the market it will com- mand extravagantly high prices as compared with those of a quarter of a century ago. Three of the rarest books in the Collection were purchased in London within recent years. These were Adair's American Indians, which cost |30.00. Tim- berlake's Memoirs of the Cherokee Indians, costing |38.50, and Iredell's Eevised Statutes of North Carolina, for which he paid $40.46. In 1875 the Adair sold at $9.50 and the Tim- berlake at |6.00. The rarest and costliest book in the Collec- tion is Haywood's Natural and Aboriginal History of Ten- nessee, the price of which I have seen quoted in comparatively recent catalogues at not less than $350.00. In 1875 this work sold for $88.00.
Whenever he wanted a book he rarely ever hesitated about the cost, and this was most true in his last years. So intent was he upon possession that I heard his kinsman, Judge Hugh L. McClung once facetiously say in his presence that he was going to have a special bill passed by the Tennessee Legislature forbidding "Cal" to buy any more books so as to keep him from impoverishing his family. In his enthusiasm to be the owner of any rare book pertaining
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 11
to this section of the country and in the generosity of friend- ship, it was not infrequently the case that if I mentioned a desire to peep into it, not so long an interval elapsed before I was summoned to visit him for the purpose of examining something that would interest me. Thereupon I would find the book or document discussed. It was under these circum- stances that he found and purchased the copy of Timberlake. From its cost, it may be assumed that I pondered long before suggesting that I should like to see some other rare book. For a more adequate survey of the Collection's value, as well as for the purpose of mentioning others of the rarest treasures, it may be well to quote from recent catalogues the prices of various dealers:
Hening's Virginia Statutes $75.00
Burke's History of Virginia 60.00
Sale's Manors of Colonial Virginia 35.00
Breazeale's Life as it is 35.00
Marshall's History of Kentucky 35.00
Heckewelder's Missions Among the Indians • • . . 30.00
Bertram's Travels 25.00
Green's Kentucky Families 25.00
Ellicott's Journal 22.00
Imlay's Topographical Description 21.00
Monette's Mississippi Valley 20.00
Hewatt's South Carolina and Georgia 20.00
Schoepf's Travels in the Confederation 18.00
Chastellux's Travels 17.50
Pike's Expeditions 17.50
Ramsay's History of South Carolina 17.50
Collins's History of Kentucky 15.00
Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution 15.00
Gibbs's Documentary History of the Revolution 15.00
Hawk's History of North Carolina 15.00
Campbell's Franklin Imprints 15.00
Draper's King's Mountain 15.00
Kercheval's Valley of Virginia 13.00
Ann Royal's Tennessean, a Novel 12.50
Guild's Old Times in Tennessee 12.50
Butterfield's Expedition Against Sandusky 12.50
Putnam's Middle Tennessee 12.50
In comparing the cost to him with current prices, only a few in- stances occur in which they correspond, such as Goode's Virginia Cousins, $25.00, and the Carter Family Tree, $6.00.
Of the numberless letters and other MSS., their value can be indicated only by considering what he paid for some. The highest price for any letter was $13.00, one written by George William Fairfax to Geroge Washington in 1773, and endorsed in Washington's handwriting. The next was one from James White, his ancestor, to Andrew -Jackson, costing $12.50. Letters of William Cocke, Gabriel Jones, and Andrew
12 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
Pickens cost him respectively $10.75, $10.00, and $10.00. For letters written by Henry Knox he paid $7.50, by John Sevier, $6.00, Isaac Shelby, $0.50. There are seven letters of Gov. William Blount, in cost prices ranging from $3.00 to $9.00. The last was to Gov. Charles Pinkney of South Carolina, re- porting the conclusion of the Holston Treaty with the Chero- kees. A letter of Annie Christian, wife of William Christian and sister of Patrick Henry, cost $4.75.
There are 62 entries of rare maps in the Collection. Of these 52 are confined to the Southern states east of the Mis- sissippi river, four to Pennsylvania, two to the Mississippi valley, and three to the United States. Further than these are some 500 topographical maps made by the United States government. The most expensive map of the lot is a French map of the United States made in 1781, for which he paid $4.00. A Tennessee map of 1795 cost $1.75, while one of 1813 cost $3.50.
The Collection abounds in choice portraits of historic char- acters and interesting photographs of historic places. He went to great trouble and expense to secure from descendants, for temporary use, the miniatures of John Sevier and William Blount. That of Sevier came from Jacksonville, Texas, the one from Blount from Butte, Montana. He had Knaffl and Brakebill, Knoxville photographers, make fine photographic Reproductions upon a large scale. Mr. Brakebill tells me that the charges in such instances were from $25.00 to $30.00. For a photograph of the John Sevier painting owned by the Ten- nessee Historical Society he paid $9.75, especially ordered. He had the late Earle Harrison make photographs, on an en- larged scale, presenting varying views of the old Gov. Blount mansion on the southwest corner of Hill and State streets, Knoxville, which must have cost more than the miniature re- productions. The Collection has many rare de luxe editions issued in honor of noteworthy centennials, such as those of the Declaration of Independence, of the adoption of the Con- stitution, of the admission of Tennessee as a State in the Union, of the close of Washington's administration, and others, the chief value of which is the elaborate engravings and illus- trations. Representing lavish output, four volumes of Duy- ckinck's Portrait Gallery come within the same category.
The value of old newspapers is a variable quantity. Bound and loose, besides 39 volumes of Mies Weekly Register, there are nearly 1,000 newspapers in the Collection. The former include the Knoxville Gazette in 1797, the Knoxville Intelli- gencer in 1822-23, Knoxville Times, 1839-40, Knoxville Register, 1842-45, Knoxville Register, 1855-58, Nashville Politician, 1845-
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 13
8, Knoxville Whig and Chronicle, 1882-83. The loose newspapers extend in time from the later part of the eighteenth century to the near present, and in terri- tory from Boston to Augusta and Memphis. In catalogue prices, old newspapers range from fifty cents to one dol- lar per copy. There is one in the Collection, the Columbian Centinel, published in Boston on December 3, 1791, for which he paid $7.25. As far as he or I knew, it was the only publi- cation in existence containing the names of the 41 Cherokee chiefs and warriors who signed the Holston Treaty with Gov. Blount at Knoxville in July, 1791, and this fact caused its high price. Further than the monetary value, the future his- torian of Knoxville will find the bound volumes of The Regis- ter invaluable as an unworked fountain source. The preserva- tion of them was due to the late Col. Moses White, from whose library they came into the McClung Collection.
Contents by States.
With the foregoing glimpses at the pecuniary value and at some of the contents. I now come to a more specific con- sideration of the latter, and their analysis. For a time after leaving college Mr. McChmg's taste and studies were largely scientific, and confined to the departments of botany, geology, and mineralogy. As an accomplished botanist and mineral- ogist few surpassed him in an intimate knowledge of the Appalachian flora and of the mineral treasures of this moun- tain region. In passing it may be said, poets and philosophers found in him an appreciative reader and enthusiastic devotee, and the absence of their productions from the Collection are readily apparent except wherein they contribute to the his- toric value. Hence, in science, may be accounted for such works as Chapman's Flora in the Southern States, Gattinger's three works on Tennessee flora, Gilnian's Life of James Dwight Dana, who was his professor of geology and mineralogy in Yale, Gray's Letters, Hale's Woods and Timbers of North Carolina, Mitchell's North Carolina Geological Tour, Safford's Geology of Tennessee, Scribner's Grasses of Tennessee, and numerous scientific pamphlets and bulletins issued by the State University and the national government pertaining to Tennessee and the Appalachian country. His interest in this domain never ceased, but early became subordinate to his- torical studies and investigation, chiefly in the field of genea- logy. As I have labored and studied over the contents of his library, I have become increasingly convinced that about this subject, especially as he fondly delved into the records of his ancestry, clusters most that is richest in the Collection.
14 DR. GEORGE F. M ELLEN
As early as 1886 he bought Collins' two-volume history of Kentucky. The McClungs, Millses, McDowells, Dukes, Morgans, and Johnstons, all being treated or mentioned in this work, the purchase had to do with his genealogical investigations, which, as his correspondence shows, had begun several years prior to this time. He was an exceptional instance where one, prim- marily interested in genealogy, developed a broader and more comprehensive historical survey; but to the genealogical in- stinct we must give credit for much of the rare, costly and out-of-print matter in this storehouse. From Knoxville as the cardinal point the overshadowing genealogical quest reached out and expanded until it included within its purview Penn- sylvania and North Carolina, Connecticut and Massachusetts, Virginia and Kentucky, New Jersey and Maryland, Tennessee and Missouri. The contemplation of this thesis suggests a fascinating study and its development to some extent is neces* sary to a thorough understanding of Calvin M. McClung's Historical Collection.
From Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, and Rowan (now Iredell) County, North Carolina, came respectively to Knox- ville Charles McClung, who as surveyor laid out the town, and James White, who as proprietor founded it. These were the ancestors in whom he felt the keenest interest. Other than three elaborate histories of Lancaster by Ellis, Harris and Rupp, there is compendious history of each county near or adjoining Lancaster, to- wit: Futhey's Chester, Egle's Dau- phin and Lebanon, Prowell's York, McPherson's York, and Warner's Cumberland and Adams. A greatgrandmother, Sarah Fackler, was from York. The only other county of the State noted is Hassler's Westmoreland, a county fam- ous for memories of the Revolutionary War and George Washington, subjects that appealed to him in rich mea- sure. To these same motives we may ascribe two vol- umes of Pennsylvania's Frontier Forts, Pennypacker's two volumes of historical and biographical sketches con- cerned with southeastern Pennsylvania, and Hanna's Wilderness Trail. Furthermore we find Leaman's Cedar Grove Church in Lancaster, Futhey's Upper Octorara Church in Chester, and Marshall's Diary, treating of Lancaster in the Revolutionary War. There are historical novels of a long- forgotten Pennsylvania author, Robert M. Bird, some of which have a local setting. Indeed, of the 45 catalogue entries of Pennsylvania books and pamphlets, it may be said that their securement was almost wholly prompted by ancestral ties.
Coming to North Carolina, the native state of James White and his wife, Mary Lawson, we find histories and
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 15
documents in large array. Their selection was due chiefly to the genealogical impulse, but other factors entered. These go to make North Carolina rank next to Virginia and Ten- nessee in copious materials, the number of entries being 116. James White having been a revolutionary soldier and Mr. McClung being a Son of the Eevolution, much of the matter pertains to the war as participated in by North Carolinians and conducted on North Carolina soil. Far and wide he came to be known as an authority on the American Revolution, and many men and women seeking to establish their claims to become members of the Sons and Daughters organizations appealed to him for assistance. To this fact, in part, may be ascribed the 40 volumes in the Collection dealing wholly with the war for independence. Again, North Carolina was the native state of William Blount and the scene of his early activities. Gov. Blount was distinctly a hero of Mr. McClung, as already indicated, and every procurable book, document, pamphlet, picture, leaflet, or autograph letter dealing with him, regardless of price, he placed among his cherished archives. For two leaflet reports of the committee in Con- gress on Blount's impeachment, of four and eleven pages, he gave $4.50 and $7.50. Also he was deeply interested in the large and influential Williams family of North Carolina, the most famous of whom, John Williams, a United States Sena- tor from Tennessee, married a daughter of James White, thus connecting him with the notable family. The University of North Carolina was the scholarly seat in which many of his blood and connections were educated, while in a more re- stricted sense the great Moravian school for girls at Salem made the same appeal. Hence catalogues and histories of these institutions were placed on his shelves.
Establishing the grounds of his interest, let us look at a few of the works treating of the State. We find the histories of Hawks, Wheeler, together with Wheeler's Reminiscences, Lawson, Schenck, and Foote's sketches, and over a narrower area, the histories of Western North Carolina by Hunter and Arthur, and Sprunt's Cape Fear River Chronicles. Of county histories there are two editions of Rumple's Rowan, Alex- ander's Mecklenburg, Tompkin's Mecklenburg, Allen's Halifax, Stockard's Alamance, Pool's Buncombe, Arthur's Watauga, and Bean's Rowan County Records. Everything publised on the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, pro and con, was gathered : orations and books by Bayard, Bright, Fries, Gray- ham, Henderson, Hoyt, Moore, Polk, and Salley. Of a more limited scope were Battle's Raleigh, Nash's Hillsboro, Vass's Newbern, Alexander's Pioneers of Hopewell, Battle's History
1C> DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
of the University, and the general catalogues of the institu- tion. Among the biographies we note Hamilton's Davie and Edward's Macon, Haywood's Tryon and Week's Joseph Martin.
When we come to Virginia, and particularly that part associated with the Morgan forbears, Gideon Morgan and his talented sons, Calvin Kufus, Gideon, Jr., Luther and George, we are embarrassed by the wealth of rare material. It is the richest of any state represented in the Collection, though numerically surpassed by Tennessee. This last fact is due to the number of reports and pamphlets relating to agri- culture, education, entomology, geology, laws, libraries, statis- tics, bar proceedings, and labor, totalling 77, whereas the Virginia number in the same subjects is 27. Of works dis- tinctly historical and biographical, Virginia's total is 128 and Tennessee's 112. Other than the ties of kinsmanship, there was that about Virginia and the Virginians which excited Mr. McClung's admiration. The Lees were popular heroes. No fewer than 19 books written by or about Richard H.. "Light- horse Harry," and Robert E. Lee he put in his library. The same is true of George Washington, with whom 18 volumes have to do. Robert Carter, better known as "King Carter" because of his princely' estate and living, with his descendants and their large estates and manor houses, "Corotoman," "Nomini Hall," and "Shirley," attracted him greatly, and the same is true of the Fairfaxes and William Byrd. Books that treated of old Virginia mansions and churches, profusely il- lustrated and having about them the flavor of romance and the glamor of baronial life, made their irresistible appeal to his refined and artistic sensibilities. That the names of John Sevier, William Campbell, William Christian, and Sam Hous- ton carried about with them the aroma of Virginia caused him likewise to cherish the State that had given them birth. These attachments and sentiments, together with Virginia's part in the pioneer era, in the Revolution, and in the nation's making, made him a profuse buyer of Virginiana.
Gideon Morgan, a Revolutionary War soldier, was a native of Litchfield County, Connecticut, and married Patience Cogs- well of New Milford in the same County. To these facts we owe such books as Connecticut's Roll of State Officers, The Connecticut Infantry of 1757, Two Centuries of New Milford, Connecticut, Connecticut Officers and Troops in the Revolu- tionary War, Peter's History of Connecticut to 1781, and Isham's Early Connecticut Houses. The Cogswells being from Ipswich, Massachusetts, there is found Waters' massive history of that town ; also Waters' Whipple House in Ipswich. Attributable to this New England relationship is a fine col-
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLTJNG AND HIS LIBRARY 17
lection of the histories and general catalogues of New Eng- land colleges, among them Brown Historical Catalogue, Bur- fee's Willams, Chapman's Dartmouth, Emerson's Dartmouth, Little's Bowdoin, Tyler's Amherst, and two monumental vol- umes of Kingsley's Yale, the last representing interest in one of his own alma maters.
After a brief sojourn in Saratoga County, New York, Gideon Morgan resided for some years in Virginia, in the counties of Augusta and Albemarle. In each of these he founded and laid out, a town. Meanwhile his two oldest sons, Calvin and Luther, in the town of Staunton took to themselves wives of German descent, Sarah Fackler and Ann Cameron Dold. From these connections we have Chalkley's three great volumes of Augusta) County Chronicles, Peyton's Augusta County, WaddelFs Augusta Annals, Cartmell's Shenandoah Valley and Frederick County, Wood's Albemarle County, Bob' inson's Virginia Counties, Wayland's Bockingham County, Gold's Clarke County, Patterson's Shenandoah Valley Cam- paign, Hale's Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, Bruce's Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley, Summers' Southern Virginia, Brown's Captives of Abb's Valley, Coale's Wilburn Waters, Preston's Beminiscences, and Johnston's Middle New Biver Settlements. The interest in Southwest Virginia was intensi- fied by the marriage of Bufus Morgan to Elizabeth Trigg of Abingdon. From these interrelationships and the love of old Virginia families there is to be found a very complete collet tion of Virginia genealogies, such as Bobertson's Spotswood, Campbell's Spotswood, into which family James White Mc- Clung married. Brown's Cabells, Garber's Armisteads, Pax- ton's Marshalls, Paxton's Paxtons, Sims' Morgans, Burwell Burwells, Miller's Carters, Miller's Hendersons. Morris's Irving's Goolrick's Mercers, Kemper's Kemper*, Page's Pages, Pecquet's four volumes of some Prominent Vir- ginia Families, Lamb's Christians, Kennedy's Seldens, Jones' Joneses, Wise's Wises, and McAllister's Lewises. In this same category may be placed Meade's Old Churches and Families of Virginia, and Slaughter's Parishes of Bristol, St. Mark's, and Truro. From this nar- rower survey the broadening process is noted in the gather- ing of both old and modern state histories and of local histories in various regions of the State. Of the former we have Smith's General History, Campbell's and his Introduc- tion, Foote's, Burke's, Stith's, while among the more recent are Chandler's Colonial Virginia, Cooke's Virginia, Fiske's Old Virginia, and Boogher's Gleanings. Mordecai's Bich- mond, Tyler's Williamsburg, and Cabell's Lynchburg are
18 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
among city histories. Other county histories than those enu- merated above are the following: Culpepper, Orange, Loudon (two), and King and Queen. Bare and costly are the volumes treating of Virginia county seats and social and colonial life. These are Alexander's Stratford Hall, Lancaster's Historic Virginia Homes and Churches, Sale's Virginia in Colonial Times, Sale's Old-Time Belles and Cavaliers, Meade's Historic Homes in Southwest Virginia, and Stannard's Colonial Vir- ginia.
Genealogical motives for many of the 43 volumes and pamphlets on Kentucky are easily discernible. Emigrating from Virginia, on the McClung side in that State lived Judge William McClung. He married into the famous Marshall family and was the father of the noted author of Sketches of Western Adventure, Rev. John A. McClung, D.D., who intermarried with the Johnstons from New England. Mr. McClung bought all three editions of this work, the first, that of 1S32, costing him $15.50. Another meritorious work of Dr. McClung Was the two-volume historical novel, Camden, a Tale of the South, two editions of which he likewise placed in his library among its choicest selections. The truth is, he bought any book of pamplet that bore the McClung name. Consequently, we have John W. McClung's Minnesota as it is in 1870, the Hamilton, Ohio, Centenial Book by Col. D. W. McClung, and Alexander K. McClung's Eulogy of Henry Clay. It was the mention of the literary work of John A McClung that included the purchase of Venable's Beginnings of Litera- ture in the Ohio Valley. Again, Luther Morgan, father of the celebrated confederate partisan leader, Gen. John H. Mor- gan, and of the wife of Gen. Basil W. Duke, finally settled in Lexington, Kentucky. Further, Mr. McClung's great-grand- father, Samuel Mills, emigrated with his family from New Jersey and Maryland and, descending the Ohio river by keel- boat, fixed his habitation near the pioneer town of Louisville, in Jefferson County. Thence, his grandfather, Adam Mills, soldiered in the war of 1812 under Gen. William Henry Harri- son and fought in the battle of Tippecanoe against Tecumseh's brother, the Prophet. The love for Kentucky is moreover shown from the fact that three of his popular heroes, Daniel Boone, Isaac Shelby, and George Rogers Clark were identi- fied with the State. From this set of facts we get the state histories of Marshall, Collins, McElroy, and Smith, Banck's Lexington and Cassedy's Old Louisville, William McClung's McClung Genealogy, Johnston's Johnstons of Salisbury, Boyd's Irvines, Johnston's Albert Sydney Johnston, Duke's Morgan's Cavalry, Duke's Reminiscences, Fry's Death of Morgan, Ford's
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 19
Eaids and Romance of Morgan, Marshall's Shelby and his Men, Ridenbaugh's McDowell and Griffin's Todd. McDowell and Todd having married daughters of Gov. Shelby. Drake's Tecumseh, a history of the battle of Tippecanoe, Pirtle's Tip- pecanoe, the biographies of Boone by Bogart, Filson, Flint, Thwaites, and Hartley, and English's Clark's Illinois Cam- paign, and a volume of the Clark papers. Other rare books relating to Kentucky are Prentice's Clay, Clay's Clay Family, Wood's Wood-McAfee Memorial, Doddridges's Indian Wars, and Drake's Pioneer Life. From the fact that the historic high- way through Cumberland Gap led into Kentucky, we have Bruce's Boone and the Wilderness Road and Hulbert's Wilder- ness Road.
Crossing the Ohio river and noting that Mr. McClung's grandfather Mills sojourned two years at Vincennes, Indiana, had Illinois connections through his large mail contracts, covering the then West, and finally established himself in the banking business at St. Louis, where the grandson was born, we find the following: Cauthorn's Vincennes, Law's Colonial Vincennes, Peck's Illinois Gazetteer, Ninian Edward's Letters, Billon's St. Louis under Spanish and French, Billon's St. Louis in Territorial Days, Darby's Recollections of St. Louis, Schuyler's Semi-Centennial of Christ Church, Cuming's Western Pilot, Merrick's Old Times on the Upper Mississippi, and Hanson's Conquest of the Missouri. To interest in west- ern travels, adventures, and exploration may be attributed the 8 volumes of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Thwaite's West- ern Travels, .32 volumes, Parkman's Oregon Trail, and the works of Inman and Napton treating of the Santa Fe Trail, Napton being a distant kinsman.
Mr McClung's grandfather Mills was born at Railway, New Jersey, and each of the eight books concerning that State placed in his library may be said to be due to this strain in his blood. Adam Mills' father, Samuel, and uncle, Isaac, were soldiers under Washington in the Revolutionary War. Hence we have the Register of New Jersey Officers and Men in the Wai*. Two other books, Brown's Memoirs of Finley and Whitehead's Perth Amboy and Adjoining Country, treat of Basking Ridge Church and the region in which the Mills family and connections resided. Four publications treat of the history and alumni of Princeton, among whose graduates are not a few bearing the Mills name. Mellick's New Jersey Life in the 18th Century is of intrinsic value and interest be- cause of the light it throws on the life of these ancestors.
There is a like paucity of works on Maryland, in which State the Mills family resided for a time before migrating to
20 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
the West and in which the wife of Adam Mills, Matilda Holtz- man was born, in Frederick County. However, we have such valuable works pertaining to the State as the two large volumes of Richardson's Sidelights on Maryland History and Mary- land Families, Hammond's Colonial Mansions, Sioussat's Old Manors, Rowland's Charles Carroll, and Hanson's Old Kent.
Civic and ancestral pride combined to influence Mr. McClung in making his library a receptacle of much that is rare and valuable in Tennessee state and local history. It includes all the state histories from Haywood's Civil and Political and Ramsay's Annals to Heiskell's Andrew Jack- son and Early Tennessee. Others are Carpenter's, Phelan's, Goodspeed's (three issues, one containing Knox County, the two other Middle Tennessee counties), Garrett and Good- pasture's, McGee's School History. Hale and Merrit's eight volumes of history and biography, Caldwell's Constitutional History, and Karn's Government and History Stories. Of county histories it contains Clayton's Davidson and Nashville, Cisco's Sumner, Hale's Dekalb, Wright's McNairy, and Tay- lor's Sullivan. Of cities and towns there are to be found Davis's and Williams's Memphis, Powell's Southern Towns, and Hughes's Rugby. Biographies include Eaton's, Waldo's, and Bassett's Andrew Jackson, four of Andrew Johnson, by Foster, Savage, Jones, and Rayner, Temple's Notable Men, Speer's Prominent Tennesseans, Green's Otey, Noll's Quintard, Noll's Kirby-Smith, Goodpasture's Goodpasture with genea- logy, Robinson's Isaac Anderson, Gilmore's Sevier, Turner's Sevier, Burnett's Pioneer Baptist Ministers, Scott's Hugh Lawson White, Polk's Polk, Sullins' Recollections, Smith's Reminiscences, Turnley's Reminiscences, Taylor's Taylor, Wright's Blount, three lives of Admiral Farragut, by Loyal! Farragut, Mahan and Barnes, Oldham's Tennesseans, Morgan's Four Years among Rebels, Bokum's Refugee, Thomas' Old Days in Nashville, and Eccentricities of David Crockett. The list of worthy Tennesseana includes also Sanford's Blount College and University of Tennessee, Merriam's Higher Edu- cation in Tennessee, Thruston's Antiquities, Allison's Dropped Stitches, Marsh's Jubilee Singers, and Miller's Official and Political Register. Among the family histories and genealo- gies are Pilcher's Campbells, Armstrong's Notable Families, Gowan's Cowans, Harris's Sawyers, Nelson's East Tennessee Families, C. M. McClung's Charles McClung and Descendants, Houston's Houstons, Park's Parks, McDavitt's Overtons, McNeilly's Col. John Overton, Montgomery's Montgomerys, Lenoir's Sweetwater Valley Families, and Morgan's Morgans.
Except South Carolina and Georgia, the remainder of the
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 21
Southern states are represented by but a few volumes, but these are noteworthy for merit and scarcity. From the char- acter of the books it may be judged that the interest in colonial life and the American Revolution influenced the pur- chases touching these two states, which are 29 and 20 in num- ber. Besides works already mentioned, we note Carroll's His- torical Collections, Eavenel's Charleston, Gilman's Recollec- tions, Wallace's Laurens, Ravenel's Eliza Pinckney, Palmer's Thornwell, Ramsay's Martha Laurens Ramsay, both histories of the University of South Carolina by LaBorde and Green, together with Salley's Calhoun Family and Cockrell's Spratts. To be mentioned among Georgia books are McCall's History, White's Collections, White's Statistics, Jones's Georgia, Smith's Georgia, Stevens's Georgia, Sherwood's Georgia Gazetteer, Shipp's Crawford, Stovall's Toombs, Fries' Moravians, and Fort's Fort and Fannin Families and Smith's Mitchells. The last is typewritten, a work of 58 pages, and was secured from the fact that the first wife of James White McClung, whose career was identified in a distinguished way with Alabama, was daughter of Gov. Mitchell, of Georgia. Much of the rare Georgia history is concerned with the Creek and Cherokee Indians and, as with Tennessee, we find the same true when it comes to Alabama.
By far the most valuable work contained in the Alabama list is Pickett's Alabama. In charm of style, vividness of nar- rative, and accuracy of statement, it surpasses any other American work of the kind and scope. It is the marvel of litterateurs and historians. Others of the ten entries are Garrett's Reminiscences, Brower's Alabama, Hamilton's Colonial Mobile, DuBose's Sketches, and Meek's Romantic Passages. Pickett and Meek both include much Mississippi history, and this State is represented by only six works. Three of these are by its earliest leading historian, Claiborne, whose history of the State and biographies of Dale and Quitman are highly esteemed. Davis's Recollections concerns chiefly the bench and bar, while Loughborough's Cave life in Vicks- burg tells of the trials and travels during the Civil War. Louisiana is sparsely represented, but the representation in- cludes her two greatest historians of the old regime, Martin and Gayarre. The former's works treat of the State's his- tory up to the Treaty of Ghent. The latter is represented by only two of his important books : Louisiana as a French Colony and Romance of Louisiana. Ripley's Social Life in New Orleans and Polk's Leonidas Polk complete the list. Texas, Arkansas, and Florida show a like paucity. Texas has but three books, while Arkansas and Florida are credited with only
22 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
one each. These are Garrison's Texas, Williams' Sam Houston, Corner's San Antonio, Schoolcraft's Scenes and Adventures in the Ozark Mountains, and Sidney Lanier's Florida.
Miscellaneous Contents.
An enthusiastic, observant and inveterate traveler himself, his forbears having' belonged to the migrating stock of hardy pioneers, admiring all other bold and adventurous spirits who co-operated in establishing the civilization of the West and Southwest, Mr. McClung made no single department of his library superior in rareness and quality to that including works of travel, exploration, and pioneering. In my own classification of 1,200 volumes selected from among those, deemed most important and valuable, I find 132 assigned to this. It is exceeded only by that of autobiography, biography, and reminiscences, of which I counted 156 as worthy of special notice. If not a few volumes of Journals and Diaries, 34 in all, and many of them having to do with change of abode, be added, it would swell the number to 166. The three volumes of Bishop Francis Asbury's. Journal are a record of constant trfavel for more than thirty years from New England to Georgia and Tennessee. The Journal and Letters of Col. John May covers two journeys made from Boston to the Ohio country in 1788 and 1780. Out of this mass many have been mentioned by reason of their cost and value, but singled out are the following writers : Bailey, Burnaby, Olmstead, Michaux, Buckingham:, Weld, Featherstonehaugh, Lanman, Fordham, Fontaine, Flint, Davis, and Anbury. There are two volumes of travels by Southerners in Europe, Madame LeVeart's Souve- nirs and McGavock's Tennessean Abroad.
Books of ancient vintage and rare value, which may be classed among the curiosities of literature, are to be found: William Field's Scrap Book, the editions of 1837 and 1852, Howard's Virgil Stewart, and Dufour's American Vine-Dress- ers Guide, a Cincinnati publication of 1826. In 1833 Madison- ville, in Monroe County, became a center of publication of books which possess a quaint interest, five of which are these: Nathan Carter's Defining Spelling Book, John W. Carter's World's Wonder, Jackson's Knoxjvdlle Harmony of Music, Spillman's Simplified Anatomy, and Issac Wright's Family Medicine, bearing imprints respectively of Henderson, Johns- ton & Co., Johnston & Edwards, and J. F. Grant. Jackson's work, issued in 1840, was credited to Pumpkintown instead of Madisonville, a favorite name in the Cherokee Nation. A queer survivor, testifying to the paucity of text books and scarcity of print paper at the close of the Civil War, is a
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY 23
spelling book of only 48 pages, published by A. DeV. Chaudron at Mobile in 1885.
The value and interest of the pamphlet collections of ser- mons for the most part lie in their age, makers, occasions, and imprints rather than in their subjects, which are largely doctrinal. By far the most important is a sermon on the curse of cowardice preached in 1758 by the distinguished Presbyterian dissenter, Kev. Samuel Davies. The present pecuniary value may be estimated from a recent catalogue of- fering of a like patriotic sermon preached by Dr. Davies in 1755, the current price being $16.00. The sermons of immedi- ate interest to Tennesseans are nearly all by Presbyterian clergymen, who represented the educated ministry of the foretimes, such as Isaac Anderson, Thomas B. Craighead, Charles Coffin, Samuel W. Doak, James Gallagher, Robert Hardin, Robert Henderson, James A. Lyon, Robert B. McMul- len, Frederick A Ross, Stephen Bovell, and Joseph H. Myers. Some are more than a century old, and bear the imprint of Heiskell and Brown, who published jointly the Knoxville Register from 1816 to 1830. Two noteworthy sermons are by Bishops George W. Doane and W. B. Stevens on tht occasion of consecrating to the bishopric of Tennessee James H. Otev and Charles Quintard.
The addresses of chief interest are the inaugural of Isaac Anderson, at Maryville, two by John Bell in Congress touch- ing national questions, several before the alumni of East Ten- nessee University, by Z. W. Ewing, J. B. Heiskell, William B. Reese, and William G. McAdoo, two by the late Col. W. A. Henderson on local history, one by James T. Shields, and one the intended inaugural of Joseph I. Foote as President of Washington College. A melancholy interest attaches to the last, inasmuch as it was never delivered, he having been killed by being thrown from his horse while journeying to the cere- monies.
Scotch-Irish blood flowing so freely in his veins, it was natural that Mr. McClung should have been interested in books that treated of that rugged stock. Hence we find such writers on the subject of the race as Armor, Bolton, Dinsmore, Ford, Hanna, and eight volumes of proceedings of the Scotch- Irish Society in America. As if to secure more direct knowl- edge of his ancestors, Charles McClung and James White, he placed in his library Hensel's Scotch-Irish in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, and McDowell's Scotch-Irish Neighbor- hood, having reference to that in which James White lived. As though not unmindful of the German strain in him through his grandmother Holtzman and of New England blood through
24 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
the Morgans and the Cogswells, he installed Wayland's Ger- man Element in the Shenandoah Valley, Faust's German Ele- ment in America, and Hanscom's Heart of the Puritan.
Concerning government, law, and politics, the books ex- tend from colonial days and constitutional beginnings to the present, but the far greater number of them are of compara- tively recent date, and need not further be discussed than to say that they comprise such authors as Bigelow, P. A. Bruce, Bryce, Carson, Chandler, Coles, Dickerson, Eggleston, Hart, Lodge, McCaleb, Wilson, and Warfield. It also might include Caldwell's Bench and Bar of Tennessee, Miller's Bench and Bar of Georgia, and Lynch's Bench and Bar of Mississippi. In the list of general histories of the United States is con- tained only one that is old and rare, Timothy Pitkin's, which closes its narrative with Washington's administration. There are six volumes of Bancroft, while the remaining are confined to three more recent authors : McMaster, Andrews, and Elston. Peck's Twenty Years of the Republic finds a place. Four sets comprise the encyclopedias : six volumes -of Appleton's Biographical, fifteen volumes of James T. White's American Biography, twelve volumes of the. South in the Building of the Nation, and six volumes of Larned's History for Ready Reference.
The special books and pamphlets on the American Indians, from which I have selected the titles of 40, give no adequate idea of the wealth of material in the collection touching the red man. Mr. McClung became intensely interested in the picturesque history of that race in the Southern Appalachian country, especially as represented by the Cherokees. Other than Adair and Timberlake, the special works treating of these are Mooney's Myths of the Cherokees, Royce's History of the Cherokees, Peter's Case of the Cherokee Nation, Eaton's John Ross, Laws of the Cherokees, Anderson's Catherine Brown, Foster's Cherokee Bible, Parker's Cherokee Indians, Gude's Georgia and Cherokees, numerous speeches made in Congress on the removal of the Indians, and two volumes of American State Papers. Of the Indians in other sections we have Hawkink's Creek Country, Church's King Phillip's War, Catlin's American Indians, Dixon's Vanishing Race, Tracy's Missions, Stone's Brant, and Malone's Chickasaws.
Books pertaining distinctly to Southern literature consist of historical novels and works intended to preserve a record of Southern writers. Worthy of being mentioned among the former are Carruther's Knights of the Horseshoe, Kennedy's Horseshoe Robinson, Swallow Barn, and Quodlibet, Cooke's Surrey of the Eagle's Nest, Robinson's Savage, which was
CALVIN MORGAN MCCLUNG AND HIS LIBRARY Zo
published in Knoxville in 1833, and Miss Murfree's Old Fort Loudon. Among the later should be named Tardy's Southland Writers, Davidson's Living Writers of the South, Mrs. Free- man's Women of the South in Literature, and Griswold's three voluminous works on American Literature. The poems of Simms and Key are found, as also Fry's Centennial Poem and Max- Well's Chilhowee. Books of Southern humor are thoroughly representative. These include Baldwin's Flush Times of Ala- bama and Mississippi, Bagby's Writings, Longstreet's Georgia Scenes, supplemented by Fitzgerald's Memoir of Longstreet, and Prentice's Prenticeana. Among them might be included the writings of Col. William Byrd and Guild's Old Times in Tennessee. The two are chiefly historical, but the humorous skits incorporated entitle them in part to be classified among humorists. It might not be inappropriate to put in the same coterie Garden's Anecdotes of the Revolutionary War, pub- lished in Charleston in 1822 and one of the important source books of the struggle. Strother's or Porte Crayon's Vir- ginia Illustrated, has the ear-marks of humor.
The American press, particularly the Southern, is respect- ably represented through books and periodicals. Among books are Buckingham's Specimens, Gaine's Journal, King's Press of Charleston, Putnam's Memoir of George P. Putnam, Per- rin's Pioneer Press of Kentucky, Week's North Carolina Press, Maverick's Henry J. Raymond, and Minor's Southern Literary Messenger. Among magazines the following are noted : Ameri- can Historical Magazine complete, Gospel Herald, a monthly of Lexington, Ky., Gulf States Historical Magazine, Brown- low's Jonesboro Monthly Review, Crozier's Knoxville Journal of Antiquity, Magazine of Tennessee History and Biography, Chavannes' Modern Philosopher, the North. Carolina Booklet, the North Carolina Our Living and Our Dead, and Stringfield's Holston Messenger. Not all of the last mentioned are com- plete.
The Collection is rich in Southern church history, from which I selected 62 volumes for notice, embracing nearly all denominations. These extend from Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit to Price's Holston Methodism, six volumes of the former and five of the latter. There is Davidson's old and rare History of the Presbyterian Church in Kentucky as well as the older and rarer Taylor's Baptist Ministers of Virginia. Of local interest are Park's First Presbyterian Church, Bachman's Second Presbyterian Church, Hume's St. John's Church, and Ramsey's Lebanon. Out of the account should not be left Graves' Great Iron Wheel and the answer, Brownlow's Great Iron Wheel Examined. Virginia Parish
26 DR. GEORGE F. MELLEN
churches are well represented. Whitaker's Diocese of Ala- bama, McFerrin's Tennessee eMthodism, and Bedford's West- ern Cavaliers find a place. Along with Wilmer's Eecent Past go two important Confederate documents, Pastoral Letter from the Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church and the Order of that Church in the Confederate States for morn- ing and evening prayer.
Perhaps no feature of the Collection is more surprising than the paucity of volumes relating to the Civil War, and that in consideration of the extant voluminous mass of mat- ter. Mr. McClung was in no sense a partisan, and the fratri- cidal strife did not linger with him as a fragrant memory. On this subject I counted only 33 volumes and documents, and most of them are Tennesseana, for which reason almost solely we find them preserved by him. The works of Humes, Brownlow, Temple, Mathes, Worsham, Nelson (a poem), Poe, Wright, and Beynold's Martha Brownlow, a Tennessee Hero- ine, Bagan's Escape, Daniel Ellis' Adventures, and Maynard's speeches are among the more noteworthy.
Conclusion.
As my task comes to its close, no one is more conscious than I of how far I have fallen short of giving a fitting sketch of Calvin M. McClung or a comprehensive idea of his historical collection. With no model for suggestion or guid- ance I have had to trace my course through a historical laby- rinth abounding in priceless wealth and sparkling gems. In consideration of the magnificence of Mrs. McClung's gift and the almost unprecedented treasures, in the gathering and preservation of which she had a significant share, it will be a miracle of stupidity and manifestation of inapprecia- tion if there is not straightway formed about this Collection a live, vigorous historical society built upon this great and enduring monument to glorious achievements and to a glori- fied spirit.
THE NATCHEZ TRACE 27
THE NATCHEZ TRACE
E. S. COTTERILL
The Natchez Trace was a road which ran, in the early days of our history, from Natchez, Mississippi, to Lexington, Kentucky, passing through Nashville, Tennessee, on its way. In a strict application of the term only that part of the road lying between Natchez and Nashville could be called the Natchez Trace, the northern half of the road from Nashville to Lexington having the name of the Tennesse Path.1
This road originated as did most of the roads of the pioneer period : it was first of all an Indian trail leading from village to village and, as such, formed a thoroughfare for occasional Indian war parties and for the more regular communication of trade that was by no means lacking among them. Between Natchez and Nashville lay the villages of the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations and these two allied peoples used the road in common. The use made by the Indians of the north- ern half of the road was appreciably less and for reasons that are fairly obvious. There was some use made of it, however, and southern Indians went north and northern Indians went south over the entire course of the road. White travellers be- gan to frequent the road after 1763 when the southwest passed into British hands, and after the opening of the Mississippi in 1795 the road became one of the main traveled highways of the western country.
For the Natchez Trace owed its importance, as paradoxical as it may seem, to the Mississippi River, or rather to its com- merce. The exports of the back country, all that country lying west of the Alleghanies, found a market in New Orleans and the highway thither was the Mississippi River and its tributa- ries. This down river trade to New Orleans is a part of our history too well known to need description here.2 There is no denying the volume of this trade or the interest taken in it by the western people. From January to July of each year the Ohio and Mississippi rivers thronged with the boats car- rying the western produce to market. Barges, flat boats, keel boats, New Orleans boats and arks — all these and many more were pressed into service to carry the increasing commerce. It has been estimated that two thousand men were employed in this trade each season, some proprietors of the boats they "sailed" on, and some laborers hired for the trip, and some pro- fessional boatmen who lived by their trade. These boatmen
^or a consideration of the Natchez Trace from Natchez to Nashville see a Thesis Offered for the Degree of Master of Arts, University of Wisconsin, 1914, by R. G. Hall.
^'Transportation and Traffic on the Ohio and Mississippi before the Steamboat" in Mississippi Valley Historical Review. June, 1920.
28 R. S. COTTERILL
came from as many different regions as the cargoes did, but at New Orleans they were called Kentuckians — and the name was certainly not given as a compliment.
It is important to bear in mind that this river commerce was a one-way trade; before the coming of the steamboat there was no practicable method of up-river navigation. The consequence was that when the cargoes were sold at New Or- leans, the boat had to be sold or else knocked apart and sold for lumber. As for the crew, it had to find its way back to the up-country the best way it could. There were two ways open for a return. If the crew was from Pennsylvania or the more northern tributaries of the Ohio, the easier and shorter way home was to take shipping to Baltimore or Philadelphia and then walk overland.3 But by far the more common way back north from New Orleans was by the Natchez Trace. It was a journey through the wilderness for a distance of more than eleven hundred miles and required forty or forty-five days to make the trip.
The boatmen returning from New Orleans generally organ- ized themselves in informal groups of all sizes and composition. Fifteen or twenty was considered a very large company and as a rule the groups were much smaller, depending on the number of men ready at the time for the trip. It was a rare thing for a traveler to venture the journey alone. As for transportation, the boatmen, if they could afford it, bought at New Orleans or Natchez the Indian ponies that had been brought there for sale from Texas or New Mexico, and rode them home.4 These small roan ponies could be bought for fifty dollars each but when it is remembered that the ordinary pay of boatmen in those times was only sixty dollars a trip it will be seen why many of the crews walked back. Here at least they could justify the latter half of the boatman's proud boast that he was "half alligator and half horse." It is a matter of record that those who walked reached home gener- ally about as soon as those who rode ; and if we can trust the testimony of a traveller who speaks with the fervor of per- sonal experience not much more comfort was to be had in rid- ing these wild; ponies than walking. Walking or riding, the boatmen always took the precaution before leaving- Natchez to lay in a good stock of provisions for the trip — biscuit, flower, bacon, dried beef, rice, coffee and sugar.5 It was the custom
3These sea trips that the boatman made i» returning home perhaps furnished the inspiration that eventually brought about the building of ocean going ships by the people along the Ohio and its tributaries.
*Michaux, F. A. Travels to the West of the Alleghanye Mountains, 1801-1803. Volume III of Thwaites' Early Western Travels.
BBaily, Francis. Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797 by (London, 1856.) This is by far the best account of travel over the Natchez Trace in the early days.
THE NATCHEZ TRACE 29
also to take along for each man one pint of Indian corn roasted and ground to a powder; this was designed as an emergency ration in case of a delay on the road. One spoonful of this powder would enable a man to exist for a day without other food.6 To be sure provisions were to be had along the road at the Indian settlements and the plantations of the white pioneers, but there was a space of several hundred miles where no settlement of any sort was to be met with. When provisions could be obtained, they were not of a very appetizing nature, consisting for the most part of hard bread and cheese relieved occasionally by mush and milk and fried bacon. Whenever the travellers secured any food on the way, however, they were certain to pay an enormous price for it.7 Whatever else the boatmen might take along in the nature of food, there was one thing that they rarely forgot: an adequate amount of corn whisky or apple brandy.8 And not only was it necessary for the travellers to take thought of their food supply before leav- ing Natchez but they needed to provide themselves with suitable clothing. The journey was usually made during the summer months and so very little in the way of clothing was required : the regulation suit was one of brown overalls so coarse and thick that it would resist the action of the briers and thorns that beset the trail for much of the distance. The costume was completed by a pair of heavy shoes and any kind of a hat that the roving fancy of the boatman might .select.9 Over his shoulders he slung his canteen of the capacity of two quarts and with a pair of pistols in holsters before him he might well feel himself equipped for the long journey. As for the horses, the boatmen always saw to it that they were fresh shod before leaving Natchez. Hobbles were invariably taken along for the double purpose of preventing them from straying at night and of keeping the Indians from stealing them. Corn was carried along for the horses notwithstanding the fact that they could be depended on to subsist on the wild grass along the way and were known to eat the bark of the trees with great relish.10
Thus equipped a party of boatmen could start out on the long Natchez Trace with a reasonable certainty of arriving at Nashville in fifteen or twenty days. If the party was on horseback there would generally be an extra horse taken along
•Ibid.
"The American Pioneer (Cincinnati, 1842) I, No. IV, Ch. viii. At the crossing of the Tennessee River the half breed ferryman sold corn to the travellers at three dollars a bushel.
8Ibid.
8Baily, Journal of a Tour.
10Mules were quite often used by the returning boatmen for the carrying of the baggage.
30 R. S. COTTERILL
for every two or three persons and carrying nothing' but bag- gage-tents and provisions and the not inconsiderable weight of silver dollars received at New Orleans in payment for their produce.11 For the first sixty miles the Trace ran roughly par- allel to the Mississippi and through a country that was com- paratively level. There were infrequent settlements along this part of the road and practically no danger from the Indians. The chief difficulty in travelling here was to be found in the "dirty little creeks" that so often and so thoughtlessly crossed the Trace. These were often not fordable and as there were no ferries or bridges the boatmen had to unload their horses of their baggage and make them swim across.12 Sixty-two miles from Natchez was the last white settlement on the road till Nashville was reached; this was Grindstone Ford over the Bayou Pierre. The remainder of the road was through Indian country and the boatmen kept a scout in advance about a quar- ter of a mile to observe signs of trouble. As a matter of fact, however, there was very little danger from Indians on the Trace unless they were met with when they were drunk. This was quite likely to occur, for both Chickasaw and Choctaw were inordinately fond of the flowing bowl and were in the habit of dedicating themselves to inebriety with a scientific fervor now quite lost to the world.13
Not far beyond Grindstone Ford lay the "Forks of the Eoad". Here a trail ran off to the right to the Choctaw villages while the Trace bore to the left through the Chickasaw coun- try. The "big town" of these Indians was a five days journey over a road that grew constantly worse every mile of the way. It was a ridge road, as Indian trails most always were, and fol- lowed along the divide between the Yazoo and the Tombigbee rivers.14 Briers and thorny bushes grew close to it on both sides making it necessary for the travellers to go in single file. Fallen trees were quite often found across the road so that progress was very slow; boatmen felt that they were mak- ing good time if they averaged thirty miles a day. If there were moonlight nights the party would be likely to do much of their travelling by night and stay in camp during the heat of the day. Abandoned Indian camps were numerous along
"This money was commonly sewed up in raw hide bags and thrown in with the other baggage. Practically every returning party carried considerable sums of money back with them and the securing of this money was the particular purpose of the robbers along the path. For this reason it was always closely guarded when the party was encamped for the night.
^Baily, Journal of a Tour.
"Practically every traveller who went over the Trace had some story to tell of meetings with drunken Indians. The Indians had the customs of importing whisky at appointed times and calling the entire tribe together for huge drinking bouts.
"Vivid descriptions of this road are to be found in Baily, Michaux and Lorenzo Dow.
THE NATCHEZ TRACE 31
the road and the boatmen tried to make their camps in these places whenever possible because they were generally open sites and situated near the water, a commodity which it was difficult to find anywhere along the Trace from Natchez to Nashville. If the party was fortunate enough to have tents, they slept under them; if not, they slept under the open sky with their saddles or perhaps their knapsacks for their pillows. Corn was fed to the horses, hobbles were put on them and they were turned loose for the night. The members of the party took turns in preparing the meals and also in standing watch, for though the Indians were not bloodthirsty they were experts at robbery. Scouts by day and watches by night were needed, however, not so much for protection against the Indians as against the outlaws of all colors who operated along the Trace. The most notorious of these outlaws was Samuel Mason, who carried on his depredation along the Natchez Trace from 1801-1803 after a particularly malodorous career on the Ohio River.15
Some thirty miles before the "big town" of the Chickasaws was reached, the travellers on the Trace passed through a smaller settlement of the same people. It was made up of only three or four huts along a little creek at the foot of a hill with a little tobacco plantation behind them and some corn fields surrounded by a bush fence. From this place on to the "big town" there were along the Trace many Indian plantations abandoned for the most part by the owners but with the or- chards of peach trees and apple trees still standing. The "big town" itself was the principal village of the Chickasaw.16 It was situated in a large open valley and consisted of the wood huts of the Indians straggling along both sides of the Trace. There were extensive cornfields around it as well as tobacco fields and the inevitable orchards of apples and peaches. Here the travellers could with confidence expect hos- pitality such as the Indians were able to give. More often than not, however, they would be more in need of food them- selves than able to supply other people with it.
Forty miles from the Chickasaw village the Trace crossed the Tennessee River. The river at this place was deep with a very rapid current and it was impossible to ford it. A ferry boat was operated here by a half breed named Colbert and if he was in a good humor he would ferry the travellers across
1BThe career of Samuel Mason and the other outlaws of the West is the theme of a book on the subject soon to be published by Otto A. Rothert, Secretary of the Filson Club of Louisville.
16This Big Town was situated on the headwaters of the Tombigbee and trails led from it in every direction to Memphis, to Mobile, to Charleston. The last named was perhaps the most famous of all the Southern trails.
32 R. S. COTTERILL
charging them one dollar a head. Some indication of the amount of travel on the road is to be seen in the fact that Col- bert had a steady income of two thousand dollars a year from his ferry boat alone. By the treaty that the United States made with the Chickasaws and Choctaws in 1801 the right of estab- lishing ferries and taverns along the Trace was expressly re- served to the Indians, and this in practice meant the half breeds.17
The seventy-five miles of road between the Tennessee and Duck rivers ran through a country that was even more exas- perating than that to the south of the river. When it ran along the ridges it was inconceivably rough and when it crossed the bottom lands it sometimes disappeared almost altogether in the swampy canebrakes. Sometimes the road bed would turn to thin mud so deep that the horses would have to swim through it. It was such places as these that Lorenzo Dow, once travelling over the Trace dubbed with true ministerial unction "hell holes."18 Every traveller over this section of the road bore fervid testimony to the strength and ambition of the mosquitoes. Duck River was fordable and once over it the Trace struck boldly into the mountains that made up most of the fifty miles to Nashville. Generally the travellers had to dismount at this stage and get along the best they could on foot through a sandy soil that played sad havoc with their f '^t if they had not been careful in their choice of shoes be- fore leaving Natchez, Ten miles from Nashville the Trace crossed Harpeth River and the widening road as well as the tracks of cows and horses announced the nearness of a settle- ment, Five miles from Nashville lay the plantation of Mr. Joslin — the first house of a white man since Grindstone Ford was left five hundred miles behind.
At Nashville the parties of boatmen and other travellers generally broke up. The worst part of the road was behind them now and there was no longer any need of travelling to- gether for the sake of protection : along the Kentucky trail nothing more fearful was to be met with than solitude. Some of the travellers would go off east on the Knoxville trail and very many others would want to linger for awhile amid the metropolitan pleasures of Nashville after fifteen days exclu- sive communion with nature. For all these reasons the trail to Kentucky was quite generally travelled singly or in small
17This Colbert was a descendant of the Scotchman who had joined the Chickasaws and had become a chief among them. He had left four sons, all of whom became chiefs. The romantic story of the Colberts is told by Mrs. Dunbar Rowland. "Mark- ing the Natchez Trace" in publications of the Mississippi Historical Society, Vol. XI.
MThis eccentric missionary travelled the Natchez Trace and the other Southern Trails repeatedly in his revival campaigns and tells the story of his wanderings in The History of a Cosmopolite.
THE XATCHEZ TRACE 33
groups; the preparation for the journey and the routine of travelling was much the same as on the southern section of the road.
The north bound traveller followed the road out of Nash- ville through Mansker's Lick and stopped for his first night, if he could, at Major Sharpens plantation twenty-nine miles from Nashville and just across the Kentucky line.19 For thirty- three miles after leaving Major Sharpens the road ran through an uninhabited country till Big Barren River was reached. There was a ferry over this river operated by an Irishman named McFadden who was in the habit not only of setting the traveller across the river but also of providing, for a considera- tion, food and lodging overnight for man and "baste." North and south of this river lay the notorious "Barrens"' of Kentucky concerning the desolation and danger of which every re- turning boatmen had doleful stories to tell. It was thinly populated, the house of McFadden being the only one for seventy-five miles on the road. There were no trees here as along the other sections of the road and the trail ran through grass that grew three or four feet high. Straggling bushes showed their heads above the grass, matted over quite often with wild grape vines. The Barrens derived its name from the absence of trees and every traveller had his own theory of why the Barrens were barren. As good as any, perhaps, is that of Miehaux who thought that the Indians had cleared the land in order to tempt the buffaloes to come in and eat the grass. The chief objection to this theory is that it credits the Indian with some one hundred per cent greater aptitude for manual labor than he ever actually displayed. In March and April there were apt to be grass fires over the Barrens and these were real dangers to travellers on the road. In case they were caught in one of them there was nothing to do but start one of their own — exactly as the hero of the Prairie did.
Forty-three miles of travelling through such a country as this brought the traveller to Little Barren River where there was a single house occupied by the ferryman. Thence the road ran on in a northeastly fashion across Green River and the Rolling Fork and finally came to Danville. If the boatmen were from Ohio they would in all probability follow the Mays- ville road to the Ohio River and thence home. At Danville, too, they could connect with the Wilderness Road. In any event, their journey through the southern wilderness was at an end when they reached central Kentucky.
"Andre Miehaux. Travels into Kentucky, 1793-1796 in Thwaites' Early Western Travels, III.
— 3 —
34 R. S. COTTERILL
The importance to Kentucky of the Natchez Trace lay in the fact that it was the favorite way home for the boatmen returning from New Orleans and Natchez. Its value was the value of the New Orleans trade. From 1795 when the naviga- tion of the Mississippi was opened, until the coming of the steamboat around 1812, was the period of its greatest promi- nence. Then it was the great highway of the west from south to north. It was over the Natchez Trace that within this period the western country drew in it's supply of currency from the outside world, most of which it passed on in due season to Baltimore and Philadelphia. Some little commerce there was southward over the road ; Lexington sent to Tennes- see by this route the surplus goods she received from the east but such a trade would never have justified the existence of the road. We find, however, Kentucky's interest in the road persisting far down in the century. In 1812 there is a resolu- tion adopted by the Kentucky legislature instructing their senators and representatives to work for the opening of a con- necting road from the trail at Duck River directly to New Orleans. In 1828 we have another resolution asking Congress to extend the National Road through Kentucky to connect with the Natchez Trace.20 Several acts of the legislature deal with the improvement of the Kentucky end of the road. It would seem that Muldrough's Hill was the stumbling block on the road for in 1821 the legislature appropriated $1000 for its improvement; ten years later a company is incorporated to build a road over the Hill; in 1839 the legislature solemly closes the road at this point, it evidently having gotten beyond the reach of redemption.
For the more southern countries the Natchez Trace was not only a boatman's road but an immigrant road as well. Much of the immigration into the interior of Alabama and Mississippi found its way along this road. It was perhaps with an eye to this coming immigration as well as to the convenience of the boatmen that in 1801 Jefferson sent James Wilkinson, Ben- jamin Hawkins and Andrew Pickens as commissioners to nego- tiate with the Indians for the improving of the old trace through their lands. In two separate treaties the Indians were induced to cede the road provided they keep the ferries and tavern under their own control.21 The government more than once appropriated money to keep the road repaired but with very little effect. As was to be expected, it was along the Natchez Trace that the first settlements grew up in Mississippi and Tennessee. Some of the most prominent of
*°Acts of the General Assembly of Kentucky. "American State Papers, Indian Affairs, i, 652 and 658.
THE NATCHEZ TRACE 35
these were Washington, six miles from Natchez and the old capital of Mississippi; Greenville, twenty-four ,'miltes from Natchez where Jefferson Davis went to school and Andrew Jackson plied his occupation as a negro trader; Port Gibson at the old Grindstone Ford and many another.22
In olden times it was somewhat the fashion for European tourists to extend their travels through the back country and to publish accounts of their wanderings. From these sources we have many accounts of the road and of the adventures to be met on it, It was the ambition, too, of every normal boy in the west in those early days to take a trip on a boat to New Orleans and then walk home over the Trace, and thou- sands of people made the journey for the adventure of it. Jef- ferson Davis came over it to Kentucky when he was a boy. Old Hickory led his army over it to Natchez in 1812 — and led it back again. Lorenzo Dow travelled it many times from Lexing- ton southward in his revival campaigns in the west and classi- fied it as one of the trials of the adversary. Meriwether Lewis died on it as he was returning home from his western expedi- tion and has his monument standing there now in the middle of a county named for himself.23 Last but by no means least the fast riding5 John Morgan rode up and down it throughout the Civil War.
But the glory of the Trace departed with the coming of the steamboat. There was no further need, now, for the boat- men— or any others — to walk or ride overland through the wilderness and the Barrens. The steamboat was a better and not less romantic way of travelling. And so although the old road continued to be used it disappeared from the western consciousness as an essential highway. Like many another old road it still exists in parts. In some places the modern macadam road has been built over its course; and often the Trace itself still winds through the forests and is in use every- day by people who know nothing and care nothing for its history.
^Publication of the Mississippi Historical Society. XI.
MSwain, John. "The Natchez Trace" in Everybody's Magazine, September, 1905.
36 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
THE BOYHOOD OF PRESIDENT POLK
Albert V. Goodpasture
James Knox Polk, the eleventh President of the United States, was descended from the Irish branch of an old Scotch family. The first proprietor of the feudal barony of Pollok, in Renfrewshire, Scotland, was Fulbert the Saxon, who flourished in the early part of the twelfth century. Petrius, his son and heir, took the name of his hereditary estate, and from that time the family was known as de Pollok or Pollok. They were a hardy race, distinguished alike in arms and in the chase. There is an ancient family legend, with several variations, that tells how one of the old Pollok chieftains hunted the wild boar in the Royal Forest, with the King and his courtiers. On one occasion the infuriated animal rushed upon the King, who was in great danger, when an arrow from the bold Pollok's steady bow brought the feroci- ous game to earth. His Majesty instantly knighted the dar- ing archer, for his timely assistance. Hence the Pollok family crest, representing a wild boar pierced by an arrow, with the motto: "Bold and Steady."
The founder of the Irish branch of the family was Sir Robert Pollok, to whom in 1440 James II, of Scotland .granted an Irish estate. This Irish estate descended to a younger son, Sir Robert II, the eldest son inheriting the Scotch estate. The Irish neighbors of this second Sir Robert pronounced his name P-o-l-k, as though a single syllable; and his son, Robert Bruce Polk, the founder of the American branch of the family, adopted the spelling.
Robert Bruce Polk, being a younger son, took to the army, and was captain in the regiment of Colonel Porter, in the army of the Commonwealth. After Colonel Porter's death Captain Polk married his widow, the charming Magdaline (Tasker) Porter, daughter of Colonel Tasker, of Bloomfield Castle. Bloomfield Castle afterwards descended to her sister, Barbara, who married Captain John Keys, and is now a picturesque ruin, still owned by her descendants. Magdaline inherited Morning Hall, a considerable estate in the barony of Ross, county Donegal, Ireland.
About the date of the accession of James II, of England, sometime between the years 1680 and 1686, Robert Bruce Polk emigrated with his family to America, and settled in Somerset County, Maryland, where March 7, 1687, he made two entries of land, (1) "Polk's Lot," fifty acres lying on the north side of Manokin River, and (2) "Polk's Folly," one hundred acres lying in the same quarter, near the head of Broad Creek.
THE BOYHOOD OF PRESIDENT POLK 37
Captain Robert Bruce Polk had eight children, six sons and two daughters. His wife, Magdaline, who lived to be nearly ninety-two years of age, died at White Hall, the family seat, in Somerset County, Maryland, in 1726, and by her will bequeathed Morning Hall to her son Joseph, Who returned to Ireland. All the other children remained in Maryland, and were respected for many sterling qualities, and noted for1 jtjheir strong democratic sympathies. The eldest son, John, left two children, William and Nancy. When William's family began to grow up he removed to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where his youngest son is known to have been born; and thence about the year of 1750, to the Yadkin Eiver, in the present county of Mecklenburg, North Carolina, where he became the founder of the North Carolina and Tennessee branches of the Polk family. He had eight children, of whom Thomas and Ezekiel were the youngest two.1
About the time William Polk moved to North Carolina the Scotch Presbyterians who had settled in Ireland, were emi- grating to America in great numbers. For some years prior to 1750 as many as twelve thousand Irish immigrants had an- nually landed in this country. As a rule they sought the fron- tiers of the interior, which they reached in two streams. The larger poured into Pennsylvania through the ports of New Castle and Philadelphia, and moved southward along the western frontiers of North and South Carolina, where it met a smaller stream flowing in from the south through the ports of Charleston, Wilmington, and Savannah. They were a bold, imperious, and rather turbulent people, who, having fled from persecution and oppression in their native country, were in- tensely jealous of their liberties, looking askance on all govern- ment not of their own institution.
They soon developed a restlessness and irritation, on ac- count of the extortions and corruption of the colonial officers, which finally resulted in what was known as the Regulation. It first broke out in 1768, in Anson county, where the people, five hundred strong, rode to Hillsboro and turned the colonial officers out of the courthouse. Governor Tryon raised a body of troops in Rowan and Mecklenburg Counties and marched into Hillsboro to quell the insurrection. His journal of this campaign shows that "the first company that joined was Cap- tain Dobbin's, all joined the Governor but Captain Knox and his company."2 This Captain Knox, who refused or failed to
1Pedigree of the Pollok or Polk family, from Fulbere the Saxon (A.D, 1075) to the present time. By Miss Mary Winder Garrett. American Historical Magazine, Vol. 2, pp. 376-383. And see Alexander's History of Mecklenburg County, N. C, p. 385 et seq.
2Wheeler's Sketches of North Carolina, Vol. 2, p. 11.
38 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
join the forces of Governor Tryon to suppress the Regulation, was the maternal grand-father of President Polk.3
Three years later, in 1771, it broke out again in Orange County, and was surpressed only by the bloody battle of the Alamance, which drove so many sturdy emigrants across the mountain to become pioneers in the settlement of Tennessee.
In the spring of 1775 frequent public meetings were held in Charlotte, Mecklenburg County, for the purpose of discus- sing colonial affairs, particularly the late tyrannical measures of the British government. The dissolution of the last pro- vincial assembly of North Carolina by its last royal governor gave occasion for the celebrated convention which met in Char- lotte, May 19-20, and passed the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, now famous as the first declaration of indepen- dence adopted in America. Among the leading spirits in the passage of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence were Thomas and Ezekiel Polk, the former of whom lived in the im- mediate vicinity of Charlotte, and the latter in the neighbor- ing province of South Carolina, just across the border.
News of the battle of Lexington reached Charlotte while the Mecklenburg Convention was still in session, and contributed materially to the bold and decisive character of its action. In the war of which Lexington was the harbinger, the Polks took active and honorable parts. The martial spirit of Thomas Polk has shown resplendent in four generations of his family. He was himself conspicuous as a colonel in the Revolutionary War, while his son, Colonel William Polk, was even more distin- guished in it, being twice severely wounded, and having the honor of escorting the Liberty Bell to Bethlehem. The Bishop- General Leonidas Polk, of the Confederate States Army, who fell at the battle of Pine Mountain, was his grandson; and General Lucius E. Polk, of the same gallant army, was his great grandson.
Ezekiel Polk, less distinguished than his brother as a sol- dier, was equally patriotic, and on June 18, 1775, within thirty days of the Mecklenburg declaration, was commissioned by the South Carolina Council of Safety, captain in a regiment of rangers commanded by Colonel William Thompson, and par- ticipated in the heroic defence of Sullivan's Island, for which Major-General Lee, Colonel Moultrie, Colonel Thompson, and the officers and men under their command, received the thanks of Congress. In 1778 Captain Ezekiel Polk removed his resi- dence to Charlotte, and at the close of the war, he was ap- pointed colonel of militia to fill the vacancy occasioned by
'Wheeler's Sketches of North Carolina, Vol. 2, p. 358.
THE BOYHOOD OP PRESIDENT POLK 39
the promotion of Colonel Thomas Polk to the office of briga- dier-general. It was from this office that he got his title of colonel. He was subsequently elected sheriff of Mecklenburg County, where he continued to reside until 1806, when he removed, with most of the Polk family of North Carolina, to that part of the Duck River valley now in Maury County, Tennessee. He was esteemed one of the most intelligent, in- fluential, and benevolent citizens of Maury County until his removal to Hardeman County in 1821, after the extinguishment of the Chickasaw title to the lands in West Tennessee. But he was a man of marked eccentricities and crass prejudices as well as of strong will and honest convictions. In politics he was an ardent supporter of the principles and policies advo- cated by Thomas Jefferson. He died at his home in Bolivar in 1824, and was buried in the Polk cemetery in that town; but when, in the heat of the fierce Presidental campaign of 1841, his character was ungenerously assailed, his remains were ten- derly taken up by the hands of his children and reverently removed to a tomb on the grounds of his old homestead, then the residence of his youngest son, General Edwin Polk, one mile west of Bolivar, where they still repose.4
Colonel Ezekiel Polk was married three times, and left twelve children, — eight by Mary Wilson, his first wife, and four by Mrs. Sophia (Neely) Leonard, his third wife. Samuel Polk, the fourth child by his first wife, was born in 1772, and
4The remarkable epitaph inscribed upon his tombstone is of his own composition, a*d in these words:
"Here lies the dust of old E. P., One instance of mortality. Pennsylvania born, Carolina bred, In Tennessee died upon his bed. His youthful days he spent in pleasure, His later days in gathering treasure. From superstition lived quite free, And practiced strict morality. To holy cheats was never willing To give one solitary shilling. He can foresee — and foreseeing He equals most men in being — That Church and State will join their power, And misery on their country shower; The Methodist, with their camp-brawlings, Will be the cause of this downf ailing; An error not destined to see, He waits for poor posterity. First fruits and tenths are odious things, And so are bishops, tithes, and kings."
It is a notable fact that notwithstanding his grandfather's violent prejudice against the Methodist Church, and although his wife and mother were staunch Presby- terians, President Polk was a Methodist. "At a camp-meeting held under a brush- arbor at McPeak's camp-ground, near Columbia, Tenn., in 1833, Rev. John B. McFer- rin preached one of his characteristic sermons. James K. Polk was present and re- ceived an indelible impression from the sermon. His conversion is dated from that time, though he did not join the church until shortly before his death in 1S49, when he sent for Dr. McFerrin and was baptized and received into the Methodist Church. "Fitzgerald's Life of John B. McFerrin," p. 219 et seq.
40 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
spent his childhood amid the stining scenes of the Revolution. He was thrown upon his own resources early in life, and ac- quired a farm on the south side of Big Sugar Creek, near the present town of Pineville, in the southwestern part of Mecklen- burg County, North Carolina. In addition to his occupation as a farmer he acquired the art of surveying and being thrifty, energetic, and intelligent, he prospered in both occupations, laying the foundation of a substantial fortune.
In 1794 Samuel Polk married Jane Knox, a young girl of eighteen, the daughter of Colonel James Knox,who had been an officer in the Revolutionary War, and who was one of the first members of the Order of Cincinnati. Colonel Knox was a scion of the ancient Scotch family made famous by the il- lustrious reformer, John Knox. Jane inherited much of the stern character of the great reformer. Brought up in the faith of the Presbyterians, her resolute will and positive convictions were somewhat softened by a devout Christian spirit. Her de- light in the true and good, while it was never permitted to in- tervene as an obstruction to the closest intimacy with her children, served as a constant inspiration to them. Barely nineteen years the senior of James Knox, her oldest son, there grew up between them a beautiful feeling of comradeship that lasted as long as he lived. Her intense sympathy with him had much to do with molding his public character. It is a rare tribute to both of them that President Polk, in his last hours, should have been able to say, "Mother, I have never in my life disobeyed you." She survived him more than two years, having died January 11, 1852.
At the time of his marriage Samuel Polk lived on Big Sugar Creek, and it was to that place he took his bride. Their first child was born November 2, 1795, and was named for his ma- ternal grandfather, James Knox. Colonel Knox then lived between Hopewell and Huntersville, in the same county. A tombstone in Hopewell graveyard still marks the place where he was buried.
Both his father's home on Big Sugar Creek, and his grand- father's home between Hopewell and Huntersville, as Well as the town of Charlotte, have been mentioned as the birthplace of James Knox Polk. The claim for Charlotte is interesting only on account of the garrulous story related after Polk be- came President by Mrs. Susan (Barnett) Smart. Mrs. Smart says he was reported to have been born with an enormously large head ; so large that the doctors, as well as the old women, thought he had dropsy of the brain, or that he would be an idiot. As soon as that report reached her, she ordered her carriage and drove to Charlotte to see the child. When she
THE BOYHOOD OF PRESIDENT POLK 41
had thoroughly inspected it, she said to Mrs. Polk : "Your child is all right, and will some day be President of the United States."
That Mrs. Polk went to her mother's for her accouchment rests upon the testimony of a thirteen-year-old nurse, produced after the lapse of more than half a century, and is too doubtful to be relied on. Upon the whole of the evidence there does not appear to be any doubt that President Polk was born at his father's home on Big Sugar Creek.5
Samuel and Jane (Knox) Polk had ten children: James Knox Polk, Jane Maria (Polk) Walker, Eliza (Polk) Cald- well, Marshall T. Polk, John L. Polk, Franklin Polk, Naomi (Polk) Harris, Ophelia (Polk) Hays, William H. Polk, and Tasker Polk.
The family remained in North Carolina until 1806, and about half the children were born there. They grew up as other children reared on the frontiers. James, if we may credit Mrs. Smart, had started to school before their removal. She gives us this picture of him : ''Little Jimmie Polk used to pass along this road often to school, barefooted, with his breeches rolled up to his knees. He was a mighty bashful little fel- low."6
The Central Basin of Tennessee has been called "the dimple of the universe." The suggestion of a dimple that gives aptness to this poetic figure, is found in the fact that the Central Basin forms the bed of an extinct lake, somewhat oval in shape, which extends lengthwise through the entire width of the State. It contains an area of about 5,000 square miles, mostly of rich, alluvial soil, and lies, on an average, 350 feet below the High- land Rim which encircles it and once formed the bounds of its ancient waters.
The principal rivers that drain the Central Basin of Ten- nessee, and, indeed, the only streams that have pierced its rock-bound shores, if we except Elk River in its extreme south- ern borders, are the Cumberland and Duck Rivers. They each run through it from east to west, almost parallel to each other, with the Duck River Ridge, which divides their waters, mid- way between them. The Duck River Ridge was for twenty years the northern boundary of the Cherokee hunting ground. The Cumberland drains the northern, and the Duck most of southern portion of the Central Basin. The metropolis of the Cumberland Valley is Nashville, the capital of the State; and
Alexander's History of Mecklenburg County, N. C, pp. 95-96. Alexander's History of Mecklenburg County, N. C, p. 51.
42 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
the chief city of the Duck River Valley is Columbia, the famous county seat of Maury County.
The Duck River Valley was originally a magnificent wilder- ness. On the highlands near the eastern border of Maury County the cedar tree flourished like the cedars of Lebanon. Further down the river, the slightly undulating lowlands lux- uriated in the giants of the forest : towering poplars, immense oaks of many species, tall hickories, and spreading beeches. The majestic sycamore adorned the banks of the river, and the red elm lent a touch of spring to the winter landscape by the evergreen mistletoe, with which, more frequently than any other tree, it was festooned. On either side of the river, ex- tending far away to the forest-crowned hills, was a mass of timber of every variety known to this latitude, and many varieties of shrubs, flowers, and climbing vines. Much of the forest was covered with a maze of impenetrable canebrakes, and on every savannah flourished the famous Kentucky blue grass.
Amid all this luxuriance of vegetation there was a perfect network of beautiful little streams, winding their several ways over rocky and pebbly bottoms to the central river. In Maury County there are at least six streams emptying into Duck River on the north : Flat and Bear Creeks above Columbia, and Ruth- erford, Knob, Snow, and Leiper's Creeks below. On the south seven may be named: Cedar, Fountain, and Lytle's Creeks above, and Little Bigby, Green's Lick, Big Bigby, and Cathey's Creeks below Columbia. These creeks are from ten to eigh- teen miles in length and in their courses received the waters of numerous springs that gush from the rocks at the base of the hills. Their mean temperature is about 58° ; the temperature of the spring that supplies Columbia with water varying from 56° in June to 58° in December.7
This interesting country was not opened to settlement for a quarter of a century after the first immigrant came to Cumber- land. The Cumberland Valley was settled under the supposed authority of the Transylvania Purchase, in 1780, and was soon afterwards erected into a Military Reservation for the pay- ment of claims due to the Revolutionary soldiers of North Carolina. In 1785, by the treaty of Hopewell, the Indians ceded the land adjoining the Military Reservation as far south as the Duck River Ridge. But before that time, the Cherokees having taken part against the Colonies in the Revolution, the State of North Carolina assumed title to all their lands with- in its bounds, by right of conquest, and in 1783, established a
7Dr. A. H. Buchanan in Minutes 7th Meeting Tenn. Medical Society (1836), p. 17-21, Fleming Historical Sketch of Maury County, p. 7.
THE BOYHOOD OP PRESIDENT POLK 43
land office for the west, known as John Armstrong's office, and threw open for appropriation the whole of its western terri- tory, except certain small reservations. The following year (1784), when the State passed the first act ceding its Western territory to the United States, John Armstrong's office was closed, and the lands in Duck Eiver Valley were never again subject to entrv until the final extinguishment of the Indian title by treaty in 1805-1806.
While John Armstrong's office was open some of the most valuable lands in Tennessee were taken up. Most of the Duck Eiver Valley was entered at that time. Among others, James Brown, an old Revolutionary soldier, located his military land warrant on Duck Eiver, not far from the present town of Co- lumbia. While removing to the west in 1788, he and two grown sons were murdered* by the Indians at Xickajack, and his wife and younger children were carried into captivity ; but the captives were finally recovered, and one of them, after- wards known as Colonel Joseph Brown, lived to be the father of Maury County. Major George Doherty, another Revolution- ary veteran, entered a five-thousand acre tract at Spring Hill in Maury County. Major Doherty was for many years land partner of Colonel William Polk, and was at the time of his death in 1800, one of the large landed proprietors of the State, owning eighty-five thousand acres, much of it in Maury, Giles, and Lincoln Counties. Colonel William Polk was himself an extensive land owner. Among other tracts, he had five thou- sand acres on the Columbia and Mt. Pleasant pike, that was one of the finest bodies of land in Tennessee. This he subse- quently divided between four of his sons : General Leonidas Polk, General Lucius J. Polk, Colonel George W. Polk, and Rufus K. Polk, who built splendid homes upon it.8
Although the State of North Carolina had opened John Armstrong's office and issued grants for lands in the Indian territory, it was done in a fit of resentment against the Chero- kees, and they were never actually disturbed in the possession of their hunting ground on that account; but the titles so ac- quired were held good and valid, and only awaited the extin- guishment of the Indian title. The Indian title to the Duck River Valley was extinguished by two treaties ; the first held at Tellico in 1805, and the second at Washington in 1806. The for- mer ceded the lands lying north, and the latter those lying south of Duck River. The Cherokees loved this beautiful val- ley even more than did the white people, and it is at least doubt- ful whether the body of the nation ever consented to part with it. It is certain that shortly after the second cession they mur-
*Fleming's Historical Sketch of Maury County, p. 45.
44 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
dered their powerful old Chief, Doublehead, whom they held responsible for the ;-.ale.9
When the Indian title was extinguished, many of the grants for lands in Duck River Valley were still in the hands of im- patient homeseekers who had entered the lands twenty-three years before, while many others had bought from the original grantees, or from speculators, and all now rushed in, anxious to improve their estates, and lay sure foundations for the fu- ture wealth and independence of their families. Then came Joseph Brown to enjoy the beautiful plantation that had cost his family so dearly; and Colonel William Polk, who settled his sons on the rich estates he had selected with such discrim- inating judgment, though he, himself, did not remain perma- nently in Tennessee; then came also Samuel Polk, with his growing young family; and his father, Colonel Ezekiel Polk, then well advanced in years; indeed, most of the Polk family of North Carolina emigrated to the new settlement on Duck River. There are still preserved three duplicate petitions from citizens of Duck River, dated August 22, 1807, memorializing the legislature to grant them a separate new county. Among the names signed to these petitions are those of S. Polk, Wm. Polk, and John Polk. In response to these petitions Maury County was established in the fall of 1807. And hither hurried many other notable families that gave tone and character to the future society of the county, such as the Gordons, Pil- lows, Oteys, Maurys, Hollands, Friersons, Nicholsons, and Blacks.
Major Samuel Polk — for such wTas his title — settled about six miles from Columbia on what is now the Franklin pike. The State is erecting a bronze tablet at the place to mark the farm on which his son, James Knox Polk, the future President of the United States, spent his first years in Tennessee. Major Samuel Polk was at once recognized as an active, public spirited citizen, and was made a member of the first jury em- panneled for Maury County when it was organized in 1808. Being a man of great energy and business capacity, he im- proved and cultivated his farm, and at the same time was ac- tively engaged in surveying. The surveyor was then in great demand, and his business was of the first importance to the community. He also dealt extensively in real estate, a business in which his knowldge of the country, gained as a practical surveyor, gave him great opportunities.10 He afterwards
Goodpasture's Indian Wars and Warriors of the Old Southwest, Tennessee His* torical Magazine, Vol. 4, pp. 271-2.
10I do not know how much land he owned or acquired in Tennessee, but an accident enables us to form an idea of the activity and extent of his dealings in land war- rants in the year 1820. In June of that year he applied to the Commissioners for the adjudication of Noith Carolina land claims, at Nashville, for a large number of
THE BOYHOOD OP PRESIDENT POLK 45
moved into Columbia, prospered in his business, became a man of affairs, and acquired a large estate. When Columbia was incorporated in 1817, he was appointed, with Lemuel Prewett and Samuel McDowell, to settle with the original commission- ers of the. town, and was named one of the directors of the first bank chartered for Columbia. He was one of twenty stockholders to organize the first company for the purpose of opening a highway from Columbia to the Tennessee River; and of purchasing a steamboat to ply down that river to New Orleans, thus forming a direct route from Columbia to the gulf.11 He was a quiet, unassuming gentleman, with a vein of pleasant humor, who made many friends, but never sought public office. He died at his home in Columbia, November 3, 1827.
James K. Polk was about eleven years old when his father emigrated to Tennessee. He was frail and delicate, though he assisted his father on the farm, and followed him in many of his surveying expeditions, sometimes wandering through the forests and canebrakes for weeks at a time. But the pure air and outdoor exercise in this rough pioneer life failed to bring the roses back to his pale young cheeks, or to give elasticity and vigor to his youthful steps. He was not able to attend school regularly, and his education was deficient for one of his age even in the backwoods settlements of Duck River.
For the next three years his health did not improve, and it became evident that nothing short of the surgeon's knife would relieve him. Such operations were not then common, and skillful surgeons were indeed rare. Major Polk had the good judgment, or the good fortune, to find for his son the best surgeon then in the western country, and in 1809 took him to Dr. Ephriam McDowell, of Danville. Kentucky. Dr. Mc- Dowell had married a daughter of Governor Isaac Shelby, whose name was still a household word in Tennessee, with whose early settlement he had been prominently connected; and he had then in his office as a medical student a young Tennessean named David Nelson, afterwards celebrated as the
warrants for himself and others, which had been adjudged valid. On his return to Columbia his saddle bags containing these warrants were accidentally lost, possibly in some swollen stream, and duplicates were ordered to be issued to him, by the General Assembly. The list contained, among many others, ten warrants for 3,481 acres to himself; three for 3,000 acres to himself and his father; one for 640 acres to himself and his son-in-law, James Walker; one for 500 acres to himself and Wil- liam Leetch; and one for 971 acres to himself and James Leetch. Then there were six for 2980 acres belonging to his father; one for 140 acres to his father and brother, Thomas; one for 500 acres to his brother, Thomas; one for 50 acres to his brother, William; one for 500 acres to his brother, John; two for 900 acres to his brother-in-law, Thomas McNeal; one for 249 1-2 acres to his son-in-law, James Walker; and one for 200 acres to his son, James K. Polk. Scott's Revisal of the Laws of Tennessee, Vol. 2, p. 652. These warrants were probably located in jWest Ten- nessee, which had just lately been opened to settlement. "Fleming's Historical Sketch of Maury County, p. 58.
46 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
author of "The Cause and Cure of Infidelity." Dr. McDowell was widely known as an excellent lithotomist, who had per- formed many of the greater operations of surgery, and was just on the eve of performing his first operation for ovarian tumor, which has since made him famous among the medical profession of the world as the Father of Ovariotomy. He found young Polk a thin, emaciated stripling, fourteen years of age, of little education, worn out by disease, and with small apparent promise of future influence or distinction. But he performed the operation, which, being entirely successful, re- lieved Polk of his painful affliction, and he was in a short while able to return home.12
The operation Polk underwent marked an epoch in his life. Beturning health inspired him with new hopes, and presented new views to his imagination. He had already within him, what his learned physician could not divine and did not sus- pect, an exalted ambition, an earnest desire to achieve distinc- tion and win the confidence and applause of his countrymen. Even his father was unable to measure the depth and earnest- ness of these aspirations, which were assuming in his mind the form of a definite and inflexible purpose. I do not know that he had yet dreamed of the political triumphs that awaited him. The young genius does conceive such dreams, and that, too, at an earlier age than we are wont to imagine, though he can no more measure the possibilities of his future than can the friends that surround him. But he had made to him- self a definite choice of the legal profession, which was then considered the gateway to political preferment.
As every definite and determined course in life encounters obstacles and involves conflict, so he met at the very outset a painful crisis. His new purpose in life had developed in him the habits of a student. Naturally fond of mathematics, he had often busied himself with his father's calculations in mensura- tion and surveying, but he now sought the companionship of books, reading constantly, reflecting earnestly and studiously upon what he read, and was fast storing his mind with such knowledge as he thought might be useful to him in his pro- fession. His father, however, anxioug about his health, and fearing that his constitution had been so much impaired that he could not stand the confinement incident to the sedentary life of a student, thought it best to fit him for commercial pursuits, and to that end placed him with a neighboring merchant that he might acquire a practical knowledge of business. The young man protested earnestly, but submitted obediently. Still, he was very unhappy over it ; he could find neither pleasure nor
"Dr. Samuel D. Gross, Memorial Oration in Honor of Ephriam McDowell, p. 38.
THE BOYHOOD OF PRESIDENT POLK 47
inspiration in his labor, it being entirely foreign to the field of activity he had proposed to himself. After a few weeks, however, his father yielded to his earnest entreaties, and giv- ing up the idea of making a merchant of him, with his practical good sense, set him seriously to work to prepare himself to enter the profession that had such powerful allurements for him.
Polk was in his eighteenth year when his father entered him, July 13, 1813, in the Academy two or three miles south of Columbia, taught by Rev. Robert Henderson D.D., a widely known minister of the Presbyterian church, who had received a classical education under the celebrated Dr. Samuel Doak, at Martin College. Dr. Henderson was a man of marked ec- centricities, whose popular discourses abounded in mimicry, wit, invective, and humorous anecdote. Owing to the afflictions and ill health of his youth, Polk was less advanced in his studies than were most young men of his age. He now took up the Latin grammar for the first time.13 But his work was assiduous, and his progress was rapid. Dr. Henderson taught only one session at the Academy, and Polk spent the next year and a half at Bradley Academy, in Murfreesboro, then under the superintendency of Samuel P. Black, one of the most distinguished classical teachers in the State. At the close of the session in 1815, Mr. Black gave a school exhibition, con- sisting of examinations, plays, and declamations. Samuel H. Laughlin, who was present, was remarkably struck with young Polk, and gives us this description of him : "He was small for his age, and his hair was much fairer and of lighter growth than it was afterwards. He had fine eyes, and was neat in his appearance. He showed the finest capacity for public speaking I had ever heard in a youth. In one of the plays he enacted the part of 'Jerry Sneak' in the 'Mayor of Garnet,' in which he showed infinite humor." Laughlin thought he was much the most promising young man in the school and predicted that, if he lived he would rise to distinction.14
So rapid was Polk's progress in these preparatory schools, that at the end of two years he was able to enter the sophomore class in the University of North Carolina, at Chapel Hill, whicb he did in the fall of 1815, being then a little under twenty years of age. The University of North Carolina was at that time one of the leading educational institutions of the south; was in Polk's native State; and his kinsman, Colonel William Polk, was one of its trustees. Its selection, therefore, was not only happy, but natural, especially as the University of Nash.
"Polk's Diary, Vol. 4, p. 160.
"Samuel H. Laughlin: Tennessee Historical Magazine, Vol. 4, p. 78.
48 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
ville had not yet been founded. In the University he exhibited the same notable characteristics for which he was distinguished in after life. His capacity for work was wonderful; his energy never flagging until he was master, even to details, of whatever subject he had in hand. Moreover, he discharged with promptness and fidelity every duty or trust laid upon him. These homely but powerful virtues soon distinguished him in his college career. One of his professors, Elias Mitchell, the eminent scientist for whom Mt. Mitchell, on whose crest his mortal remains now sleep, was named, used to relate this anecdote as occurring in Polk's senior year: An imaginative student was telling a wonderful tale to his fellows who stood around the college steps, when some one ventured to doubt the truth of his story. "It is as certainly true," the former replied, "as that Jim Polk will get up tomorrow morning at the ring- ing of the first bell."15 It is said that Polk never missed a reci- tation or a chapel exercise, nor was ever tardy at either, dur- ing the entire three years he was in the University.
He took a first rank in his studies from the start. At every semi-annual examination he received the highest honors, until the close of his junior year, when the first distinction was divided between him and William D. Moseley, afterwards Governor of Florida. He graduated in June, 1818, taking the highest honors for scholarship, both of mathematics and the classics, and delivered the salutatory oration in Latin. The second honors were awarded to William M. Green, afterwards the first Episcopal Bishop of Mississippi, and one of the foun- ders of the University of the South, who delivered the valedic- tory address.
Notwithstanding his studious, and therefore seclusive, hab- its, Polk contrived to attach many young men to him while in the University, whose active and devoted friendship he re- tained throughout his long political career. He was a member of the Dialectic Debating Society, in which he took great in- terest, and discharged his duties to it as regularly, promptly, and laboriously as he did his strictly college work. While he was President in 1847, he sat for his portrait to Thomas Sully, the well known Philadelphia artist, whom the Society had en- gaged to paint it for their H|all. At" he same time John Y. Mason, his Secretary of the Navy, sat for his portrait for the Philanthropic Society, of which he was a member.
After his graduation in June he spent some months in rest and recreation among his friends and relatives in North Caro- lina, as his constant and unremitting application to his studies had over-taxed his delicate constitution. But a short vacation
"Address of Chancellor Ridley, Lebanon, 1852, p. 12.
THE BOYHOOD OF PRESIDENT POLK 49
restored his wonted vigor, and he returned to his father's home in Tennessee, on the 18th of October, 1818.
Early in the year 1819 Polk commenced the study of law in the office of Felix Grundy, at Nashville. Grundy, at that time was not only the greatest criminal lawyer in the State, but he was a Democratic politician of national reputation. He was so conspicuous in his support of Madison's war measures in 1812, that the Federalists ascribed that war to the machina- tions of ''Madison, Grundy, and the Devil." He was a stead- fast friend of Jackson, and a determined opponent of Clay, with whom he had many sharp passages of wit.
It has been erroneously stated that Polk first attracted the attention and won the esteem of General Jackson while he was in Grundy's office.16 The fact is that Jackson was a friend of the Polk family before James K. Polk was born, and the latter inherited his friendship, and proving worthy of it, enjoyed it to the close of Jackson's life. Jackson himself states that he knew all of the old stock of Polks, with many of whose mem- bers he had been intimate the greater part of his life; that he had known James K. Polk since he was a boy, and adds that "a citizen more exemplary in his moral deportment, more punctual and exact in business, more energetic and manly in the ex- pression of his opinions, and more patriotic, does not live,"17 Jackson's last letter, written two days before his death, was addressed to President Polk and marked "confidential." Polk preserved it he states, "as a highly prized memorial of the friendship of the dying patriot, a friendship which had never for a moment been broken from mv earliest vouth to the dav of his death."18
If we may not look to Grundy's office for the beginning of the friendship between Polk and Jackson, we may certainly find there the cementing of a friendship hardly less earnest, devoted, and constant, between Polk and his great preceptor. We may also find there an interesting circumstance which, if it did not determine Polk's whole future career, at least ush- ered him at once into the fields of triumphs and fame.
Shortly before Polk entered Grundy's office Francis B. Fogg, a young lawyer from New England, located in Nash- ville, to begin the practice of his profession, and occupied a room in Grundy's office, which he shared with Polk when the latter entered the office as a student. In August. 1S19, Grundy was elected a Representative in the State Legislature which was to meet the following September in Murfreesboro.
"Jenkins' Life of Polk, p. 46, and later authors following him. "American Historical Magazine, Vol. 3, pp. 188-9. ^Polk's Diary, Vol. 1, p. 67.
50 ALBERT V. GOODPASTURE
Fogg was a young man of such earnest purpose and decided talent, that a less astute observer than Grundy would not have failed to recognize in him one of the rising young lawyers of the State. Grundy took a great interest in him, and as he had come here a stranger, he advised him, in the presence of Polk, to go up to Murfreesboro, where the Legislature was about to meet, and offer himself for the position of Clerk of the Senate, as that office would extend his acquaintance by bringing him in contact with leading men from all parts of the State, who, from time to time, would be in Murfreesboro during the session of the Legislature. He added that he thought he had influence enough to have Fogg elected Clerk of the Senate if he wished the place.
What should Fogg have done? Was this opportunity knocking at his door, or was it an ignis fatutis alluring him away from the jealous profession in which he hoped to win honors and fortune? Fogg thought it the latter, and thank- ing Grundy for his kind intentions, said he preferred to re- main in his office studying law, even if he got no cases. With this singleness of purpose he devoted himself to his profession until he reached the very highest rank at the Nashville bar, thus seemingly vindicating the correctness of his judgment.
But on the other hand, when Grundy had gone out of the office Polk said to Fogg: "As you have refused Mr. Grundy's offer. I would be glad if you would tell him that I should like to have the place, if he will assist me to get it." Fogg readily consented, and afterwards told Grundy what Polk had said, with the result that Polk went to Murfreesboro, and was elected Clerk of the Senate.19
Did Polk make a mistake? This step may have spoiled the making of a great lawyer, but it made a President of the United States. Fogg's was unquestionably the safer course for the young lawyer. Nothing short of genius for politics could justif}^ the risk unhesitatingly assumed by Polk. He made his choice promptly, and without consultation or advice. The result was a political instead of a legal career. From that time until the day of his death in 1849, he was out of office only three years; and twice within those three years, 1841 and 1843, he was the defeated candidate for Governor of Tennessee
"William B. Reese in Crew's History of Nashville, p. 517. Reese was a son-in- law of Mr. Fogg.
THE BATTLE OF KINfi'S MOUNTAIN 51
THE BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN: AS SEEN BY THE BRITISH OFFICERS
Sam'l C. Williams
American writers on the history of the Revolutionary War are in accord in the view that the Battle of King's Mountain turned the tide of warfare in the South in favor of the patriot cause. There is no dissent among them from the statement of Thomas Jefferson :
"That memorable victory was the joyful annunciation of that turn of the tide of success which terminated the Revolutionary War with the seal of independence."
The British officers engaged in or concerned with that en- gagement have left on record their own concurrence of this view of the effect of the defeat of Ferguson's forces at King's Mountain.
Several comparatively recent publications of the documents of British archives and of manuscript collections afford cumu- lative testimony some of which were not accessible to our Ten- nessee historians when they wrote of that period ; and valu- able sidelight is by them thrown on the situation that pre- ceded and followed the battle.
Every such document the better enables us to see behind the scene in the British camp, and to form a just judgment of the motives, hopes and fears of the actors.
It is interesting to note the tone of elation that marked most of the communications of the British officers during the week before that battle. The wellnigh disastrous defeat of the army of General Gates at Camden on August 16th, 1780. and the failure of the American force of Col. Elijah Clarke in the siege of Augusta in the following month, greatly cheered the British officers and encouraged the Tories in the Carolinas to rush to the British standard for further and decisive blows.
Lord Rawdon in writing home I September 19, 1780) from Twelve Mile Creek on the frontier of North Carolina said :
"We are now on the march towards Hillsboro where Gates has col- lected a small body of militia. At present there is no prospect of serious opposition, but I cannot believe that the Congress will not make an effort to stop the advance of our successes. We have reason to hope that we will be joined by the greater part of the North Caro- linians."*
Lord Cornwallis held the same view when he reported to Lord Germain, (August 21, 1780) that:
"the rebel forces are at present dispersed and the internal commo-
*Third Rep. of Royal Com. Hist. MSS., p. 436.
52 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
tions and insurrections in the Province will now subside. But I shall give directions to inflict exemplary punishment on some of the guilty in hopes of deterring others in the future from sporting with alle- giance, with oaths, and with the lenity and generosity of the British Government."!
During the closing days of August it appeared that opposi- tion to the forces of the Crown in the South was on the point of crumbling. On the 21st news reached the camp of Ferguson of the victory of Tarleton's British legion in an engagement with the force of Gen. Sumter.
Two days later, we find Ferguson leaving his place in the field and making a visit to the headquarters of Lord Corn- wallis. It is fairly inferable that he went to lay before his chief the details of a plan he had formulated for a campaign. Before the end of the struggle should come, he thirsted for another victory which might be esteemed to be of his own de- vising and winning, and which might match Col. Tarleton's recent success. With confidence in his own ability, he felt equal to a task which should bring him added renown and advancement.
The spirit of Ferguson is shown by an extract from a letter which he wrote about this time to a friend in Great Britain :
"I thank God more for this than any other blessing, that in every call of danger or honor I have felt myself collected and equal to the occasion. "t
Ferguson's rank in the regular line at this time was that of a major, but as a reward for his initiative and gallantry in action he had been brevetted lieutenant-colonel. He was also given the title of colonel and inspector-general of the militia.
The plan agreed upon at the headquarters looked to the formation under Ferguson's command of a flanking column which should march into the western part of North Carolina to subdue or keep quiescent the Whig forces in that region, thus protecting the main army under Cornwallis from being teased and embarrassed by irruptions of the western men, as it marched northward. It was firmly believed that large num- bers of Tories in that section would be induced to attach themselves to Ferguson's command as it advanced. Ferguson possessed qualities that appealed to and tended to incite such men to cooperate with the British ; and he had faith in his ability to inspire and train them for service in the field. Lord Cornwallis gave his adherence to Ferguson's project but not without some misgivings as to the staying qualities of the men of the type who might be embodied in South Carolina or
tN. C. State Records, Vol. XV., p. 272.
JAdam Ferguson, Biographical Sketch of Memoir of Lieut. -Col. Patrick Ferguson, Edinburgh, 1817.
THE BATTLE OF KING^S MOUNTAIN 53
recruited in North Carolina by his subordinate. In a letter written by him on August 29th he said:
"Ferguson is to move into Tryon County with some militia whom he says can be depended upon for doing their duty and fighting well ; but I am sorry to say that his own experience as well as that of every other officer is totally against him."
Ferguson returned to his own camp and Allaire records in his diary under date of September 1st:
"Major Ferguson joined us again from Camden with the agreeable news that we are to be separated from the army and set on the frontiers with the militia."
So eager and enterprising was Ferguson that his column was put in motion the next day; and on September 7th he crossed over into North Carolina. Ferguson wrote to his com- mander from the field of his movements and the means he had adopted to hold and bring to his standard Tory militiamen. Earl Cornwallis in a letter to Ferguson dated "Wacfaws (Wax- haws) September 23rd, 1780" in which he gives an account of the success at Augusta, says :
"I have just received yours of the 19th, and last night had the satisfaction of hearing from Lieutenant-Colonel Conger that he had arrived in time to save Browne, and retaken the guns and totally routed the enemy, who had retired with great precipitation; that the Indians had pursued and scalped many of them. I have no objections to you making any allowance to the militia you think they deserve, but would rather have it called gratuity than pay, even if it amounts to the same sum. Tarleton is better and was moved today in a litter — As soon as I have consumed the provisions in this settlement, I shall march with as much expedition as possible to Cross Creek." ||
In the command of Major Ferguson on the advance into western North Carolina was a subordinate officer, Alexander Chesney, who had recently been raised to a captaincy, and ap- pointed assistant-ajutant general of militia. Chesney shortly after the end of the war, on his return to England, wrote memoirs of his life and campaigns in America.
The document is preserved in the Manuscript Department of the British Museum. The present writer recently discover- ing it there and realizing that it had never appeared in print on this side, deemed that part of the document which bears upon the campaign of Ferguson thus projected and ending with the Battle of King's Mountain, of sufficient interest to students of Southern history to be published with annotations drawn from the writings of other officers then fighting for the Crown in the Carolinas. The narrative of Captain Chesney is taken up at the point where he enters occurrences in the month of July, 1780.
||Tarleton's History of Campaign, p. 192.
54 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN ALEXANDER CHESNEY.**
July, 1780.
"I then joined Col. Balfour' and was in an affair at James Wood's house above the Iron-works on Pacolet, but not finding the opposition there that we expected, returned again to Fair Forrest. Col. Balfour then returned to Ninety-six, and Major Ferguson succeeded to the command under the title of Coll. and Inspector-General of Mili- tia. Shortly afterwards he marched to Thickety Creek, encamped and requested me to carry an express to Captain Pat'k Moore, then commandant of Anderson's fort, with a particular private message to him to hold the fort till the last minute, and before I could return the army had decamped about midnight and retreated towards Cap- tain Lewis Boboe's on Tyger River, where I joined them; and I got an account that Col. McDole2 had without opposition reduced An- derson's fort and made them all prisoners, Moore having shamefully surrendered it, thus disappointed Ferguson's scheme of bringing the Americans to battle whilst attacking it. Major Gibbs3 came to me in this situation of affairs, showed me a paper containing instructions to go [to] McDole's camp at the Cherokee-ford on Broad River and learn their numbers; their commanders' names; what carriages they had; how many horse and foot, and whenever they made any movement towards Coll. Ferguson to return and let him know, and that there would be a handsome reward. I told Coll. Gibbs that what services I could do were not with any lucrative view and that I would undertake this difficult task for the good of H. M. service since he could not procure a qualified person to undertake it. I set out immediately and at Pacolet got a man to go with me who was acquainted with the North Carolina people. We went to McDole's camp at night without being noticed, counted all their tents and waggons; found out who were their leaders, and that 500 horsemen were gone down to attack Nichol's fort. With this news I returned, and on my way found a loyalist in whom I could confide and sent
**Alexander Chesney was born near Ballymena, county of Antrim, Ireland. Sep- tember 12, 1755, son of Robert Chesney or McClosney. He sailed with his father and family in August, 1772, and settled among relatives on Pacolet river, near Grin- dall's Shoals, sixty miles northeast of Ninety-six, South Carolina. He says that when in 1775 resolutions were proposed at the local meeting house by members of the "Con- gress party" he opposed them. He served for a time, after hostilities began, under Col. Joseph Robinson, his neighbor. While acting as a pilot for the royalist forces, he was captured and made a prisoner at Snowy Camp' on Reedy river for a week, when the alternative was offered him, he states, of standing trial or joining the American army. He chose the latter course and served from April 1776 until June 11 77 as a private in a campaign his Whig commander, Col. Sumter, launched against the Indians of the middle towns. In the summer of 1779 he, as first lieutenant, was with the patriot forces which moved against the Creek Indians. He took protection in June, 1780, and was embodied in the royalist army as a lientenant, in which capacity he says he commanded in an affair at Bullock's Creek where the whig forces was defeated.
A son of Alexander Chesney became an officer in the British army and reached the rank of general — Gen. Francis Rawdon Chesney, the explorer of Euphrates Valley fame, named for Lord Rawdon under whom the father had served in the campaigns in the Carolinas in 1780-1781. Another descendant named in honor of Lord Corn- wallis, Col. Charles Cornwallis Chesney, was the author of Essays in Military Biog- raphy, in which is incorporated a chapter entitled "A Carolina Loyalist in the Revo- lutionary War," giving Alexander Chesney's experiences ini that war. He was recog- nized as the best military critic of his day. Diet. National Biog. IV, 195-7; Life of Gen. F. R. Chesney, by his wife (London, 1885.)
1Col. Nisbet Balfour.
2Col. Charles McDowell, of North Carolina. For an account of the affair at An- dreson's Fort, see Draper, 84 et. seq. 3Maj. Zachariah Gibbs.
THE BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN DO
him off with the particulars by one route to Coll. Ferguson whilst I went by another; and the Coll. got intelligence time enough to in- tercept them at the Ironworks4 and defeated them. In returning I was taken at Grindall shoal by a party of rebels under Ensaw Smith and Desmond who took from me a Rifle gun borrowed of John Heron, my brother-in-law, but as soon as they set out for the rebel camp I made my escape, joined Coll. Ferguson at Culbered and received his thanks and friendship.
On the 9th August I was appointed Capt. and Assistant Adju- tant General to the different batalions under Coll. Ferguson; and same day we attacked the enemy at the Iron-works and defeated them with little trouble to ourselves and with a good deal of loss to the Americans in whose hands I found some of our men prisoners whom I released.
12th. Our next route was down towards the Fishdam-ford on Broad River where there was a fight, near the mouth of Brown's Creek with Neale's Militia,5 where we made many prisoners, amongst the rest Ensaw Smith, who had taken me so recently. After this we crossed that River and formed a junction with the troops under the command of Coll. Turnbull and the Militia under Col. Phillips, and having received authentic accounts that Sumpter had cut off our retreat to Lord Cornwallis' army at Camden, we had it in contem- plation to cross Broad River and retreat to Charles-town. At this time the half way men (as those not hearty in the cause were called) left us.
Augt. 16th. We then marched to the Rebel Coll. Winns'6 and encamped there waiting for more authentic accounts. On the 16th we heard a heavy firing towards Camden which kept us in the utmost anxiety until the 18th, when a letter was received from Capt. Ross, aid de camp to Lord Cornwallis informing us that his Lordship had attacked and defeated Gates' Army; had taken or killed 2200 men, 18 Ammunition waggons and 350 waggons with provisions and other stores. This news made us happy as people in our situation could possibly be, until the next night (19th) when we received an express that the rebels had defeated Coll. Ennis at Enoree. This occasioned a rapid march that way. The main body having crossed the Enoree, I was left behind in command of the rear guard and being attacked in that situation (Augt. 20th) we maintained our ground untill the main body recrossed to our support. The Americans retreated after suffering some loss.
We encamped for some time in the neighborhood of Enoree, and then marched up to Fair-Forest. Some particular business having called Coll. Ferguson to Camden,7 Capt. Depoyster8 who succeeded him to the command marched us up to the Iron-works and (Sept.) I obtained leave to see my home and family, whither I went for about two hours and sent orders for those who had shamefully abandoned us some time ago to join us at the Iron-works in order to do three months duty in or on the borders of North Carolina, and returned to the camp that night.
We continued some time at the Iron-works and whilst there a
4Wofford's Iron Works, August 8th. The engagement is sometimes referred to as occurring at Cedar Springs. Draper, 98 et seq., and 500. 5Capt. William Neal. eCol. Richard Winn.
7The visit to headquarters mentioned above. sCapt. Abraham DePeyster.
56 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
party of loyalists, with whom I was, defeated Coll. Brannan," de- stroyed some of his party and scattered the rest. I was present (Sept.) also at a small affair at Fair-Forest, the particulars of which as well as the numerous other skirmishes having escaped my memory; scarcely a day passed without some fighting.
Coll. Ferguson having resumed the command and finding him- self pretty strong he marched us to the North Carolina line and en- camped.
A dissatisfaction prevailed at this moment amongst the militia founded on General Clinton's hand-bill which required every man having but three children and every single man to do six months duty out of their own province when required. This appeared like compulsion, instead of acting voluntarily as they conceived they were doing; and they were in consequence ready to give up the cause; but owing to the exertions of their officers, a great part of which I attributed to myself, the tumult was happily appeased, and the same night (Sept.) we marched with all the horse and some foot past Gilbert's-town towards Col. Grimes' who was raising a body of rebels to oppose us, whom we succeeded in dispersing, taking many prison- ers; and then joined the foot at Gilbert's-town and encamped there for some time; sending away the old men to their houses, and several officers to raise men to supply their places and strengthen us. Col. Ferguson soon after got intelligence that Col. McDole was encamped on Cain and Silver Creeks, on which we marched towards the enemy, crossed the winding creek 23 times, found the rebel party strongly posted towards the head of it near the mountains. We attacked them Instantly and after a determined resistance defeated them and made many prisoners. The rest fled towards Turkey Cove in order to cross the mountains and get to Holstein.10 On this occasion I com- manded a division and took the person prisoner who was the keeper of the records of the County which I sent to my father's as a place of safety. We then fortified Coll. Walker's11 house as a protection to the wounded, and proceeded in pursuit of the rebels to the moun- tains at the head of Cataba River, sending out detachments to scour the country and search the caves.
(Sept.) A fight happened in the neighborhood between a detach- ment of ours and the Americans who were posted on a broken hill not accessible to cavalry, which obliged us to dismount and leave our horses behind. Whilst employed in dislodging the Americans, an- other party of them got around in the rear and took the horses, mine amongst the rest; but it was returned by the person who was my prisoner in the last affair; about a week before he had been released as was usual at this time with prisoners.
Octr. At this period the North Carolina men joined us fast. Our spies returned from beyond the mountains with intelligence that
9Col. Thomas Brandon.:
10Settlements on the Holston river.
uCol. John Walker, of the patriot army. He was father of Felix Walker, of the Watauga Settlement and later a member of Congress from North Carolina. Allaire in his Diary gives the date as September 13th and 14th: "Lay still at Col. Walker's. The poor deluded people of this Province begin to be sensible of their error and come in very fast. Maj. Ferguson, with thirty American Volunteers and three hundred mili- tia, got in motion at six o'clock and marched to the head of Cane Creek."
About this time Ferguson sent a message by Samuel Phillips to "the officers and men west of the mountain, that if they did not lay down their arms and cease their op- position to the British government, he (Ferguson) would march his army over the mountains and burn and lay waste their whole country" — a message that proved to be his doom.
THE BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN 57
the rebels were embodying rapidly.1" Other spies brought us word that Coll. Clarke13 had taken Fort Augusta with its stores, &c, on which we marched toward White Oak and Green River to intercept him on his return from Georgia.14 Col. Ferguson detached the horse in three division, one under my command with orders to proceed along the Indian line until I could make out Clarke's route and join Capt. Taylor at Bailes Earls-fort. I proceeded as far as Tyger-river and there learning that Clarke was gone up the bushy fork of Seluda- river, I took six of the best mounted men and got on his track untill
^Ferguson acted promptly on receiving this information on September 30th. He wrote to Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger at Ninety-six for reinforcements with which to meet "the considerable force coming from the mountains." Cruger replied October 3rd, saying: "The game from the mountains is just what I expected. Am glad to find you so capitally supported by the friends to government in North Carolina. I flatter myself they would have been equal to the mountain lads, and that no further call for defense would have been made on this part of the Province. I begin to think our views for the present very large. We have been led to this, probably, in expecting too much of this militia — ^as, for instance, you call for . . . reg- iments. There are just one-half that number." Letter found in Ferguson's possession after the battle at King's Mountain. Ramsey, 242.
On October 1st, Ferguson issued a strong appeal to the loyalists of the Carolinas for aid :
Dernard's Ford, Broad River.
Tryon County, October 1, 1780.
"Gentlemen: — Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of barbarians, who have begun murdering an unarmed son before the aged father, and afterwards lop- ped off his arms, and who by their shocking cruelties and irregularities, give the best proof of their cowardice and want of discipline; I say, if you wish to be pinioned, rob- bed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters, in four days, abused by the dregs of mankind — in short, if you wish or deserve to live, and bear the name of men, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp.
"The Black Water men have crossed the mountains. McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you, and look out for real men to protect them.
Pat. Ferguson, Major 71st Regiment.
13Col. Elijah Clarke, of Georgia. Chesney is confused in his dates. News of the failure of Clarke before Augusta had reached Ferguson's Camp September 24th. Allaire's Diary, in Draper, 508; (and letter of Cornwallis to Ferguson of September 23rd, supra.
14After Clarke's failure before Augusta due to the use of Cherokee and Creek Indians against him by Lieut. -Col. Brown, (appointed in 1779 agent of the British government to those tribes; and in military command at Augusta,) Clarke's forces seemed to have scattered into groups thus seeking security from the successful roy- alist troops. Col. Clarke did not go into South Carolina, though many of his men did so. Bending before the storm which threatened the safety not only of the Amer- ican soldiers but also their women and children, Col. Clarke in September had collected a multitude (400) of women and children in Georgia and started with them on a march of two hundred miles through the wilderness back of the Alleghany mountains, seeking refuge for these helpless ones among inhabitants on the Nolachuckey and Watauga rivers. The story of this treck is full of pathos. Many of the men and women went without food, except nuts for several days and the last two days even the chil- dren subsisted on the same kind of food. After a weary march of eleven days, skirting the hostile Cherokees as they went, the exiles found a hospitable welcome in the homes of John Sevier and his troopers, with whom they remained until the war was over. The families of Clarke and Col. William Candler were of the number. En route through the wilderness they met Capt. Edward Hampton, who gave informa- tion that forces had been collected on the west side of the mountains or Shelby and Sevier, and were on their way to attack Ferguson. Col Candler and Capt. John- son with a party of thirty of their Georgians promptly determined to file to the right, cross the mountain ranges and join the westerners. They did so, making the junction at Gilbert Town, and thus had a share in delivering the staggering blow at King's Mountain. They fought with Col. Williams' South Carolina troops; and by the side of other of Clarke's dispersed forces. Candler's William Candler, 29, 35, 47, 63; McCall's Georgia, II, 491. It may not be out of place to note here, the interesting fact that two of the South's most eminent and influential men, one a descendant of Col. Candler, Warren A. Candler, and the other a descendant of Col. Sevier, Elijah Embree Hoss, were for years conferes in the college of bishops of the Southern Methodist Church, and bosom friends who acting at all times in that spirit of accord which marked their ancestors.
58 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
I overtook the main body and one of the enemy prisoner within view of it, whom I carried to Coll. Ferguson who thus obtained the in- formation required.
Octr. 4th. Our spies from Holsteen as well as some left at the Gap of the mountains brought us word that the Rebel force amounted to 3,000 men; on which we retreated along the north side of Broad river, and sent the waggons along the south side as far as Cherokee- ford, where they joined us. We marched to King's Mountain and there camped with a view of approaching Lord Cornwallis' army and receiving support. By Coll. Ferguson's orders I sent expresses to the Militia Officers to join us here, but we were attacked (Octr. 7th) before any support arrived by 1500 picked men from Gilbert's-town under the command of Colls. Cleveland, Selby and Campbell, all of whom were armed with Rifles, well mounted, and of course could move with the utmost celerity. So rapid was the attack that I was in the act of dismounting to report that all was quiet and the pickets on the alert when we heard their firing about a half mile off. I immediately paraded the men and posted the officers. During this short interval I received a wound which however did not prevent my doing duty; and on going towards my horse I found he had been killed by the first discharge.
King's Mountain from its height would have enabled us to oppose a superior force with advantage had it not been covered with wood which sheltered the Americans and enabled them to fight in their favourite manner. In fact after driving in our piquets they were able to advance in three divisions under separate leaders to the crest of the hill in perfect safety untill they took post and opened an irregular but destructive fire from behind trees and other cover. Coll. Cleve- land's was first perceived and repulsed by a charge made by Coll. Ferguson. Coll. Selby's next and met a similar fate, being driven down the hill; last the detachment under Col. Campbell and by desire of Coll. Ferguson I presented a different front which opposed it with success. By this time the Americans who had been repulsed regained their former stations and. sheltered behind trees, poured in an ir- regular, destructive fire. In this manner the engagement was main- tained an hour, the mountainiers flying whenever there was danger of being charged by the Bayonet, and returning again so soon as the British detachment had faced about to repel another of their par- ties. Col. Ferguson was at last recognized by his gallantry, although wearing a hunting shirt and fell pierced by seven balls13 at the moment he had killed the American Coll. Williams16 with his left hand (the right being useless.)
I had just rallied the troops a second time by Ferguson's orders when Capt. De Poyster succeeded to the command and after gave up and sent out a flag of truce, but as the Americans resumed their fire afterwards ours was also renewed under the supposition that they
16The accounts of the manner of Ferguson's killing differ widely. One account states specifically that there were "two balls through his side and one through his head," N. C. St. Rec. XV, 136, Draper and Schenck agree in stating that the death wound was delivered by Robert Young, of Sevier's command. Young resided at what is now Johnson City, Tennessee. He was the original grantee from the State of North Car- olina of a large boundary of lands on which stands the National Home for disabled volunteer soldiers, the finest institution of the kind in the world. He is buried with- in a few feet of the junction of the Southern and Carolina, Clinchfield and Ohio railways in the government reservation. His grave should be marked by a suitable monument.
lsRooseve!t doubts the correctness of this statement, saying that Ramsey, the South Carolina historian, represents Col. Williams as having been shot while dashing for- ward to kill Ferguson. There is no necessary conflict in the two statements.
THE BATTLE OF KING^S MOUNTAIN 59
would give no quarter. And a dreadful havoc took place until the flag was sent out a second time, then the work of destruction closed. The Americans surrounded us with double lines, and we grounded arms with the loss of one-third our numbers. I had been wounded by the first fire but was so much occupied that I scarcely felt it until the action was over. We passed the night on the spot where we sur- rendered amidst the dead and groans of the dying who had not either surgical aid or water to quench their thirst. Early next morn- ing we marched at a rapid pace towards Gilbert's-town between double lines of mounted Americans, the officers in the rear and obliged to carry two muskets each, which was my fate although wounded and stripped of my shoes and silver buckles in an inclement season without a cover or provisions untill Monday night when an ear of Indian corn was served to each. At Gilbert's-town a mock tryal was held and 24 sentenced to death, 10 of whom suffered before the approach of Tarleton's force obliged them to move towards the Yadkin cutting and striking us by the road in a savage manner.17 Coll. Cleaveland then (Octr. 11th) offered to enlarge me on condition that I would teach his regiment for one month the exercise practised by Coll. Ferguson which I refused, although he swore I should suffer death for it at the Morovian town.13 Luckily his threat was not put to the test as I had the good fortune to make my escape one evening when close to that place. In the hurry to get off I took the wrong road and did not discover my error until I found I was close to the Morovian town. I then retraced my steps until close to the pickets I had left and taking a fresh departure I crossed the Yadkin river before morning, and proceeded through the woods towards home. John Weedyman, one of my company, had supplied me with a pair of shoes, which were of great use on this occasion, but as he remained a prisoner I never had the opportunity of making him a return.
The first night I slept in the woods. The next day I was sup- ported by haws, grapes, &c, as I could find them in the woods.
The second and third days in pushing through the woods to get to a ford, I heard a noise of some people (whom I knew to be Amer- icans by white paper in their hats) on which I lay down and was so close to them that I could have touched one of their horses in pass- ing. Fortunately I was not observed, and soon after crossed the
17From British sources much light is thrown upon the all but summary execution at Gilbert Town of some of the Tories captured in the battle of King's Mountain, tend- ing to justify is as retaliatory. Fortesque states that it was "in revenge for the exe- cution at Augusta of certain militiamen who had been taken in arms against the Brit- ish." History of the British Army, III, 323. Report of this recent execution of American soldiers at Augusta was doubtless made by Col. Candler and his Georgians. Even those suspected of having been with Clarke were hanged without the semblance of a trial. McCall; History of Georgia, II, 320-330.
The encouragement' of the Indians by the British to attack the inhabitants of the trans-Alleghany regions in their homes was deeply resented by the over-mountain troops. Lord Cornwallis admitted that such use of the Indians had been by his own direction: "When the numerous and formidable bodies of back-mountain men came down to attack Major Ferguson (in earlier engagements in South Carolina) and showed themselves to be inveterate enemies, I directed Lt.-Col. Brown to encourage the Indians to attack the settlements of Watoga, Holsten, Caentuck, and Nolachukie, all of which are new encroachments on Indian territories. The good efforts of this measure has already appeared. A large body of mountaineers marched lately to join the rebels near King's Mountain, but were soon to return to oppose the incursions of the Indians. I have the honor to enclose your Excellency letters from Lt.-Col. Brown, etc." Cornwallis to Clinton, Winnsborough, December 29, 1780. Am. MMS in Royal Inst., II, 225. Brown in the letter enclosed, says that the Cherokees "have agreed to attack the rebel plunderers who have takn possession of their hunting grounds on Watoga, etc. Chiefs of 2,500 Cherokees promise to continue the war during the win- ter if provided with arms and ammunition, and their families with clothing." lb. 220. ^Salem, North Carolina.
60 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
creek after them. I then made for the mountains in order to be guided by the Apalachian range and get over the rivers with greater facility. After crossing Broad river 1 met one Heron who had been with me in King's Mountain and who had with some others taken flight early in the action, putting white papers in their hats, by which disgraceful strategem they got through the American lines. I passed tne night at Heron's house and once before at another man's on whom I could depend. From both I took some provisions; the other nights I slept out; I do not remember the number exactly but must have been nearly a fortnight.
Octr. 31st I reached home on the 31st October. I found that the Americans had left me little. My wife had a son on the 20th whom I named William which was all the christening he had.
Novr. As I did not know where to find any British troops I con- tinued about home for some time and as the Americans were in pos- session of the country I was obliged to conceal myself in a cave dug in the branch of a creek under a hollow poplar with my cousins, Hugh Cook and Charles Brandon, in which we were forced, for want of room, to lie flat. Cooke's wife brought us food and news every night. I sometimes staid at my father-in-law's until I heard that Coll. Tarleton had defeated Sumpter at Black-stocks fort on Tyger river on which I raised a company with great difficulty and joined a strong party at Col. Williams' house on Little river where there was a strong party under General Cunningham. Major Plumber having been wounded at King's Mountain the command of our Regiment devolved on Jonathan Frost as Major, who directed me to assemble my company of militia and join him at an appointed place on Enoree. When I came to that place on the day and time appointed I found the Americans under Capt. then Major Roebuck in possession of it who immediately disarmed and marched us off. It was a great blunder in Major Frost to alter the place of meeting. However he did his best to remedy it; he pursued and overtook us about 12 miles higher up and having attacked Roebuck's party where they were ad- vantageously posted at a house, poor Frost was killed the rest re- treated. Roebuck who was acquainted with me formerly paroled me to Ninety-six where I was exchanged for Captain Clark, a son of Coll. Clark, who had been taken after the attack on Augusta in Georgia. I was then (Deer) sent to garrison the goal of Ninety-six which I fortified and had the command of the militia stationed there. Colls. Allen and Conger commanded the foot near the goal, where I con- tinued until (January, 1781) Tarleton came into Ninety-six district to go in quest of General Morgan and sent to the garrison for guides acquainted with Morgan's situation which was convenient to my home on Pacolet. I joined Col. Tarleton and marched to Fair- forest, having failed to get intelligence of Morgan's situation he sent me out to endeavor to do so, and to make the mills grind for the army. When I reached Pacolet river I swam my horse over a private ford, not likely to be guarded, leaving the man behind me, to go on more quietly and reconnoitre the camp. I found the fires burn- ing but no one there, on which I rode to my father's (16th) who said Morgan was gone to the Old-fields about an hour before. My wife said the same and that they had used or destroyed my crop and took away most everything. I immediately returned to Col. Tarleton and found he had marched towards the Old-fields. I overtook them before 10 o'clock (17th) near the Cowpens on Thickety Creek where we suffered a total defeat by some dreadful bad management. The Americans were uosted behind a rivulet with Riflemen as a front line and cavalry in the rear so as to make a third line. Col. Tarleton
THE BATTLE OF KING^S MOUNTAIN* 61
charged at the head of his Regiment of cavalry called the British Legion which was filled up from the prisoners taken at the battle of Camden. The cavalry, supported by a detachment the 71st Regi- ment under Major Mc Arthur, broke the Riflemen without difficulty, but the prisoners seeing their own Regt opposed to them in the rear, would not proceed against it and broke. The remainder charged but were repulsed; this gave time to the front line to rally and form in the rear of their cavalry which immediately charged and broke the 71st (then unsupported) making many prisoners. The rout was almost total. I was with Tarleton in the charge, who behaved brave- ly but imprudently; the consequence was his force was dispersed in all directions; the guns and many prisoners fell into the hands of the Americans.
17th. The men being dispersed I desired them to meet me at General Cunningham's. I proceeded towards home to bring off my wife and child on the 17th Jany and found there was nothing left, not even a blanket to keep off the inclement weather, or a change of garments. Then, leaving a pleasant situation, in a lamentable state without a shilling in my pocket, proceeded for General Cunningham's sleeping encamped that night at Fair-Forest. As we could not pre- vail on General Cunningham to use any exertions to embody his brigade of militia we went to Edisto river in order to settle there, having nothing but two horses and our clothes left, everything else being in the hands of the Americans and by them confiscated.
I have not been in Pacolet since, nor am I likely to be.
I continued at Robt. McWhorters on Edisto for some days and leaving my wife and child there proceeded to Charlestown, where contrary to my expectations I met with several of the British officers who had been taken at King's Mountain, and who very readily as- sisted me (Febr'y) to get pay for some cattle and provisions I had furnished Col. Ferguson with for the use of his detachment; and not satisfied with this, they introduced me to Col. Balfour, com- mandant of Charles-town, who, hearing from them of my great ac- tivity and had lost my all, gave me an order to Mr. Cruden, com- missioner of sequestered estates, to have me accommodated with my family on some one of them. This produced an order to Coll. Ballingal and Mr. Kinsay at Jacksonborough who ordered me a house and pro- visions with the use of three negroes to attend my family. Thus was I at once introduced to a new set of royalists and I immediately re- moved my wife and child, and Charles Brandon with his family to Ferguson's Riverside plantation near Parker's-ferry on Pond — Pond river, where I soon fixed myself very comfortably, having purchased in Charles-town some bedding &c, to set up house-keeping a second time. I joined the negroes allowed me for my family with others on the plantation and began to make a crop of Indian corn and rice.19
Earl Cornwallis assigned to Lord Rawdon the unpleasing task of reporting the disaster to General Leslie. Not until October 24th was a report forwarded and then as follows :
"It was hoped that the rising, which was expected of our friends in North Carolina, might awe that district into quiet; therefore, after giving them a little chastisement by making the seventh regi- ment take that route in its way to the army, Lord Cornwallis ad- vanced to Charlottsburg.20
19Chesney later on served under Lord Rawdon in South Carolina, intermittently, until the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, when he sailed for England. ^Charlotte, N. C.
62 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
"Major Ferguson, with about eight hundred militia collected from Ninety-six, had previously marched into Tryon County to protect our friends who were supposed to be numerous there. ... A numer- ous army now appeared on the frontier, drawn from Nolachucki and other settlements beyond the mountains whose very names had been unknown to us. A body of these, joined by inhabitants of the ceeded lands in Georgia, made a sudden and violent attack upon Augusta. . . . Major Ferguson, by endeavoring to intercept the enemy in their retreat, unfortunately gave time for fresh bodies of men to pass the mountains and to unite into a corps far superior to that which he commanded. They came up with him and after a sharp action entirely defeated him. Ferguson was killed and all his party slain or taken. . . . The enemy are mostly mountain mili- tia, not to be overtaken by our infantry, nor to be. safely pursued in their strong country by our cavalry. Our fear is that, instead of meeting us, they will slip by us into this province were we to pro- ceed far from it, and might again stimulate the disaffected to serious insurrection. This apprehension, you will judge, Sir, must greatly circumscribe our efforts. Indeed, Lord Cornwallis cannot hope that he shall be able to undertake anything upon such a scale as either to aid you or to benefit from your present situation."21
Not until December 3rd22 did Cornwallis break his silence by reporting to Gen. Clinton- at headquarters from Winns- borough, South Carolina, to which place he had fallen back:
"A few words about poor Major Ferguson. I had the honour to inform your Excellency that Major Ferguson had taken infinite pains with some of the militia of Ninety-six. He obtained my permission to make an incursion into Tryon County whilst the sickness of my army prevented moving. As he had only militia, and the small re- mains of his corps without baggage or artillery, and he promised to come back if he heard of any superior force, I thought he could do no harm and might help to keep alive the spirits of our friends in North Carolina, which might be dampened by the slowness of our motions. The event proved unfortunate without any fault of Major Ferguson's. A numerous and unexpected enemy came from the moun- tains, and as they had good horses their movements were rapid. Major Ferguson was tempted to stay near the mountains longer than he had intended in hope of cutting off Col. Clarke on his return from Georgia. He was not aware that the enemy was so near to him, and in endeavoring to execute my orders of passing the Catawba and joining me at Charlottstown he was attacked by a very superior force and totally defeated on King's Mountain. . . . The militia of Ninety-six,23 on which alone we could place the smallest dependence, was so totally disheartened by the defeat of Ferguson that of the whole district we could with difficulty assemble one hundred, and even those I am convinced would not make the slightest resistance if they had been attacked."
The word "unexpected" was underscored by Cornwallis in
^Cornwallis correspondence, I, 509, and 15 N. C, St. Rec. 284.
^Cornwallis assigns illness as cause in this letter. Cornwallis correspondence, I, 5-1 1.
^Of this militia Cornwallis had written to Clinton July 14th, "the numbers and disposition of our militia equal my most sanguine expectation," and (August 20th) he had described this force as "consisting of seven battallions, consisting of 4,000 persons well affected to the British government."
THE BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN 63
this report in referring to the irruption of the western forces. Yet he had (September 22nd.) reported that
"the post at Charlottstown will be a security to all this frontier. . . . liable to be infested by parties who have retired with their effects over the mountains, and mean to take every opportunity of car- rying on a predatory war."
The over-mountain men had time and again confronted the forces of the crown in South Carolina.
In the face of this fact why did not Cornwallis plan for keeping in closer touch or concert with Ferguson's command? Why, with Cornwallis and the main army only about forty miles away at Charlotte, was aid not sent to Ferguson in response to the urgent call of the latter?
Col. Tarleton, in his History of the Campaign, says that Ferguson :
"dispatched information to Earl Cornwallis of the supposed num- ber to whom he was opposed, and directly announced his march to Catawba, notwithstanding the prudent plan of verging towards the royal army and advertising the British general of his situation; owing to some interruption of communication or the distance of his friends, a detachment did not march in time from Charlottstown to yield him assistance. . . . On the 10th, Earl Cornwallis gave orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton to march with the light infantry, the British legion and a three-pounder to assist Major Ferguson, no certain intelligence having arrived of his defeat."
Can it also be true that no intelligence of Ferguson's press- ing need of succor had arrived at headquarters in response to Ferguson's call by messengers on September 30th, and later repeated ?24
Tarleton's History of the Campaign,'25 in its account of Fer- guson's defeat, on publication gave umbrage to Lord Corn- wallis and his friends. Strictures on Lieutenant Colonel Tarle- ton's History by Roderick Mackenzie, late lieutenant in the 71st Regiment, promptly issued from the press in defense of Cornwallis. But not a ray of light is shed by him upon these questions.26
24My Lord: A doubt does not remain with regard to the intelligence I sent your Lordship. They are since joined by Clarke and Sumpter — of course are become an ob- ject of some consequence. Happily their leaders are obliged to feed their followers with such hopes, and so to flatter them with accounts of our weakness and fear, that, if necessary, I should hope for success against them myself; but numbers compared, that must be but doubtful.
I am on my march' toward you, by a road leading from Cherokee Ford, north of King's Mountain. Three or four hundred good soldiers, part dragoons, would finish the business. Something must be done soon. This is their last push in this quarter, etc. Patrick Ferguson.
^London, 1787.
26The same thing is true of the satirical Address to the Army in Reply to the Stric- tures, put out by George Hanger, major of the cavalry of the British legion com- manded by Tarleton (London, 1789.)
64 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
When Tarleton's History was published Oornwallis was in the service of the British government in India. He construed Tarleton's language to be a reflection upon himself. He wrote (December 12, 1787) to the Bishop of Lichfield from Calcutta:
"Tarleton's is a most malicious and false attack; he knew and approved the reasons for several of the measures he now blames. My not sending relief to Colonel Ferguson, although he was positively ordered to retire, was entirely owing to Tarleton himself; he pleaded weakness from the remains of a fever, and refused to make the at- tempt, although I used the most earnest entreaties. I mention this as a proof, amongst many others, of his candour."
Our historians have assumed that the messengers sent by Ferguson to his commander were delayed en route and did not reach Charlotte in time to bring relief to Ferguson in retreat. This assumption, at best a strained one, can no longer hold. It clearly appears from Cornwallis's own statement that he re- ceived the appeal of Ferguson. It is a fact that Tarleton had been seriously ill. The truth appears to be: that Cornwallis at the time accepted the plea of illness as a valid excuse of Tarleton, but made no effort to send others of the force under him at Charlotte to reinforce Ferguson. When Tarleton had sufficiently recovered from the fever (October 10th) in pursu- ance of an order from Cornwallis he marched to the assistance of Ferguson who had been killed three days before. The fact that on the 10th Cornwallis, so near at hand, was in ignorance of the disorder is plenary proof of laxness. Cornwallis with- held from his report of Ferguson's defeat what he urged as excusatory facts years later in the letter from Calcutta. Blame on just allotment, must fall on Cornwallis for the far- reaching reverse at King's Mountain and the greater blame in that he tried in after years to thrust it on another.
Much more pointed and biting than anything written by Tarleton were the comments of Lieutenant Henry Clinton on the conduct of Lord Cornwallis. In his Observations, Clinton says:
"Major Ferguson was detached to a distance from his Lordship with a body of militia (without being supported by regular troops) under the idea that he could make them fight, notwithstanding his Lordship had informed me, some little time before, that it was con- trary to the experience of the army, as well as of Major Ferguson himself. The consequence was that Major Ferguson and his whole corps were unfortunately massacred. Lord Cornwallis was, imme- diately upon hearing of this event, obliged to quit the borders of North Carolina and leave our friends there at the mercy of an in- veterate enemy whose power became irresistible by this necessary retreat. This fatal catastrophe, moreover, lost his Lordship the whole militia of Ninety-six, amounting to four thousand men, and even threw South Carolina into a state of confusion and rebellion. . . . I cannot judge of the assurances of co-operation which Lord Corn-
THE BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN $>
wallis may have received from our friends in North Carolina, but from his report; and his ,Lordship best knows whether he received any after the effects of Major Ferguson's misfortune were known.
"That his Lordship should, after this opinion, not only suffer Colonel Ferguson to be detached without support, but put such a river as the Catawba between him and Ferguson."
was a matter of wonder to all who knew it.
Corn wallis was put on the defensive after the defeat of Ferguson :
"Earl Cornwallis foresees all the difficulties of a defensive war. Yet his Lordship thinks they cannot be weighed against the dangers which must attend an obstinate adherence to his former plans."27
Cornwallis himself wrote:
"The constant incursions of refugees, North Carolinians, Back Mountain men, and the perpetual risings in different parts of this Province, the invariable successes of all tho^e parties against our militia, keep the whole country in continual alarm and render the assistance of regular troops everywhere necessary. "2S
Tarleton, who was enabled to give a picture of the disor- ganization and dejection in the royalist army from the stand- point of a participatnt in field operation, says in his History :
"The destruction of Ferguson and his corps marked the period and extent of the first expedition into North Carolina. Added to the depression and fear it communicated to the royalists upon the bor- ders and to the Southward, the effect of such an important event was sensibly felt by Earl Cornwallis at Charlottetown. The weakness of his army, the extent and poverty of North Carolina, and the want of knowledge of the enemy's designs and the total ruin of his militia, presented a gloomy prospect at the commencement of the campaign. A further progress by the route which he had undertaken could not possibly remove, but would undoubtedly increase, his difficulties. He therefore formed a sudden determination to quit Charlottetown and pass Catawba river."
Lord Germain in a letter to Clinton (December 20th) gave the impression made upon the home government:
"I cannot sufficiently lament the loss of Col. Ferguson and the detachment under his command, especially as it obliges Lord Corn- wallis to retreat, and to recall General Leslie from the Chesapeak."29
The historian of the British army thus summarises the effect of the American victory :
"Lord Rawdon to Clinton, October 29th.
2sCornwallis correspondence I, 81.
wReport on MSS in Various Collections (British) VI, 174.
66 SAM'L C. WILLIAMS
"This unexpected blow shattered Cornwallis' whole plan of cam- paign at a stroke. . . . The loss of Ferguson himself, the most expert rifleman in the British army and the admirable partizan lead- er, was a great misfortune; but that of his eleven hundred men was for the moment irreparable."'10
**Fortesque, History of the British Army, III, 323.
NOTE.
The publishers regret to announce that they continue very much behind in the current issues of the magazine. In ad- dition to each issue bearing the proper date of series, it will be noted that the cover also bears the real date of issue in brackets, thus the reader will be informed as to how far we are behind in the issues.
It is desired to remedy this serious fault at earliest date either by the issuance of numbers at more frequent dates or by the publishing of double numbers in one.
Attention is also called to the fact that proper index and title pages have not as yet been issued for Volume VI, these will be mailed at an early date.
THE TENNESSEE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FOUNDED 1849 INCORPORATED 1875
OFFICERS
President, JOHN H. DeWITT.
Vice-Presidents,
E. T. SANFORD,
PARK MARSHALL,
C. P. J. MOONEY,
Mrs. B. D. BELL.
Recording Secretary A. P. FOSTER.
Assistant Recording Secretary HALLUIM W. GOODLOE.
Corresponding Secretary W. A. PROVINE.
Treasurer, J. TYREE FAIN.
FORM OF LEGACY
"I give and bequeath to The Tennessee Historical Society the sum of dollars."
1— i
CONTENTS
PAGE
Cooperation Between State Universities and State Histori- cal Societies 69
Dr. Joseph Schafer, Madison, Wisconsin.
The Battle of Spring Hill 74
Thomas Robson Hay, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Old Blount County Papers 92
W. E. Parham, Maryville, Tenn.
Happenings in the White Haven Community, Shelby County,
Tennessee, Fifty or More Years Ago 96
Judge J. P. Young, Memphis, Tenn.
The Battle of King's Mountain : As Seen by British Officers 104 Hon. Samuel C. Williams, Atlanta, Ga. [Concluded]
Old Fort Loudon, the First English Settlement in What Is Now the State of Tennessee and the Fort Loudon
Massacre Ill
Hon. Thos. H. Cooke, Chattanooga, Tenn.
Some Tennessee Historical Notes 134
Rev. T. M. Hurst, Arnot, Pa.
Jackson Correspondence 137
Echoes from Dr. Gist's Article on the Battle of Franklin. . 140
Death of Hon. J. H. Dortch 142
Historical News and Notes 143
Minutes of Meeting, June 14, 1921 — Tennessee Historical
Society 144
COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATION
John H. DeWitt, Business Manager, Stahlman Building, Nashville, Tenn.
Dr. William A. Provine, Editor, Presbyterian Building, Nashville, Tenn.
J. Tyree Fain, Treasurer, 200 3rd Ave., N., Nashville, Tenn.
TENNESSEE HISTORICAL MAGAZINE
Vol. 7 JULY 1921 No. 2
COOPERATION BETWEEN STATE UNIVERSITIES AND STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETIES
Dr. Joseph Schafer
[We take great pleasure in presenting- to our readers an article from Dr. Joseph Schafer, Superintendent of the Wisconsin State Historical Society, with reference to the co-operation of state uni- versities and state historical societies. The article was read be- fore the 1922 meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- ciation at Iowa City, la. It is with deep regret that we note the unsatisfactory condition of our present historical organizations in Tennessee. For the time being, the Tennessee Historical Society is without a home for its library and museum, its vast materials being stored, hoping eventually that quarters will be assigned it in the new Soldiers' Memorial building. The new organization provided for by the last Legislature virtually destroyed the organization of the Ten- nessee Historical Association and relegates the State Deparment of Archives and History to a subordinate place in the Department of Education. Such uncertainty and insecurity of historical organiza- tions connected with the political life of the state reacts very much on the permanent appreciation of state historical studies and leads one to pause and give consideration to any suggestion that looks for- ward to a more permanent and practical association of such organiza- tions with the student life — especially that of the graduate class — making the considerations set forth in Dr. Schafer's aricle very per- tinent at this time. Unfortunately the State University of Tennessee is located at the extreme eastern side of the state, making it impossi- ble to associate our Historical Society with it, which has always had its location at Nashville. However, we have two large institutions, Vanderbilt University and George Peabody College, either of which might furnish an association along the line indicated by Dr. Schafer. It is hoped that interested historical students may weigh these sug- gestions, as some such arrangement might eventually solve our p roblem. — Editor. ]
In the course of a professional experience covering approx- imately twenty-five years. I have had close and intimate relations with two widely severed western universities and with the state historical societies of the same states. These states are Wisconsin and Oregon.
I will speak of Oregon first because, as a young teacher of history, I went to the university of that state after an experi-
;
70 DR. JOSEPH SCHAFER
ence of some years as an undergraduate and graduate student at the University of Wisconsin and with the Wisconsin ideals constantly influencing my thought about conditions of work. The history department in Oregon was new and the historical society was also new. Both were the creations of a man of very exceptional and original mind, who had received his training at Johns Hopkins University and after a period of normal and high school teaching and administration had come into the professorship of the social sciences at the University of Oregon. I refer to Prof. F. G. Young. The historical society in Oregon was, through Professor Young's initiative, grafted upon the Oregon Pioneer Association, which had been in existence for a number of years and had published some valuable reminis- cences. The home of the society was Portland, which was also the largest city in the state and its principal seaport. The state university was located one hundred and twenty miles from Portland and the state capital half that distance on the same line of railroad.
I had abundant reason, from my station in the university, for using the state historical collections as these gradually de- veloped, and would have been exceedingly happy to send stu- dents to them regularly had this been a practicable thing to do. It was not practicable except in the vacation periods and in the cases of persons whose homes were in or near Portland. But the collections of the society, growing as they did by a process of almost unplanned accretions, used only now and then by someone who happened to be looking up this or that special minor point in Portland, cared for by a man who was a good antiquarian and an enthusiastic searcher for antiquar- ian material but who had little knowledge of collections for research purposes, their arrangement and utilization, never proved, to me, a very fruitful opportunity. Indeed, while writ- ing a book on the history of Oregon itself I was able to utilize the Oregon collection in subordinate ways merely, and had to rely for a large portion of my material upon the libraries of the Wisconsin Historical Society and other institutions.
For some years during the infancy of the Oregon society I dared to hope that a new arrangement might be effected which would bring the collections of the society (at least all save the museum collections) to the state university. However, that hope gradually faded as the society became more and more definitely a fixture in the city of Portland. So it was finally abandoned and an attempt made to develop a collection of fundamental material, in printed form, at the university. This latter collection, while more useful today than the printed materials in the society's rooms in Portland, was necessarily
COOPERATION BETWEEN STATE UNIVERSITY, ETC. 71
divorced from the manuscripts which in turn were not fully usable by themselves and needed the support of a well de- veloped library, with public documents, general works, biblio- graphies, atlases, and the thousand helps which a good his- torical library affords.
The whole situation was distressingly unsatisfactory. The historical society, aside from the editorial department con- ducted by Professor Young himself as secretary, had a useful museum which aroused much interest, but it exerted little influence in historical matters, and of that little the university had practically no advantage.
It has often occurred to me, both while in Oregon and since leaving there, how significant might have been a movement, started by someone's suggestion say in 1899, for combining the historical collections with the library of the university. Had that been done, or had a society been begun with the university as its center, leaving the Pioneer Association with its most worthy secretary and its delightful collection of display mate- rials at Portland, in all probability there would now be a historical collection several times as extensive and many times as valuable as the one which is to be found in Portland; the university would have seen to the organization of the mate- rials, their proper cataloging and arrangement for use; and large numbers of students could have been initiated into the mysteries of local history research. Inasmuch, however, as no one took the initiative in urging such a combination be- tween the state historical society and the university, both in- stitutions have suffered and will continue to suffer; both will be bound to fall further and further behind the best organized cooperative institutions.
Turning now to the other side of the picture: I found in Wisconsin, on coming here as a student, a magnificent col- lection of historical materials owned and cared for by the State Historical Society and housed in the state capitol, a mile from the University. Even in my undergraduate years as a history student I was induced to make large use of that library, and during the later graduate years experience with these materials was of course greatly intensified. Neverthe- less, it is now clear that the historical collections at Madison were not fully utilized by the University until the establish- ment of the new library building on the University campus, to be used jointly by the State Historical Society and the Univer- sity Library. This reorganization, for which the honor must be divided between President Charles Kendall Adams (a native of Iowa, by the way) and Superintendent Reuben Gold Thwaites of the State Historical Society, now proves to have
72 DR. JOSEPH SCHAFER
been the most notable step in institutional cooperation between state societies and universities that had been taken up to that time. It is hardly possible for me to point out all the advan- tages which have flowed from it. The Society builds up its collections of publications bearing upon American and English history under the watchful eye and stimulating needs of the University history department. These demands are growing as the University expands. The manuscript collections, made in large part before the history department of the University took much interest in research, have been utilized more and more as a unique research opportunity for advanced under- graduate and graduate students, as well as for professors here and elsewhere, and for the public at large. The department of public documents and the department of newspapers are both popular work-shops for hundreds of history students, and the Society provides expert caretakers, in effect reference li- brarians, to assist the users. The vast collections of books and pamphlets are at hand to compel breadth of treatment, and lead the apprentice from point to point. If one were to list the theses produced for the history department of the Univer- sity of Wisconsin in the past twenty years, such a list, long as it is, would barely suggest a part of the research opportuni- ties brought directly to the student of our great combination library. The professors of history and the other social sciences constitute, together with other members and curators of the Society, various committees which help to determine the policy of the Society in its appeal to the legislature for funds and in the administration of its library resources. If the State His- torical Society of Wisconsin has attained a somewhat unique position among the state societies, that fact is due — next to the work of Dr. Lyman Draper, its first secretary, and the generous interest of the people of Wisconsin as manifested by their legislature — to the close cooperation between the His- torical Society and the State University.
It may be expected that I say something to indicate how conditions, such even as exist at Wisconsin, can be improved. There are, of course, some things that might be done to better a situation as good as ours. However, it seems to me from to emphasize the excellence of the Wisconsin situation as against such a situation as exists in Oregon and is to be found also in a good many other states. Experience prompts me to urge that wherever it is still possible to do so, the my experience in Oregon that the more important thing is combination of the resources of the state university and state historical society should be effected on some terms similar to if not the same as those which have been effectual at Madison.
COOPERATION BETWEEN STATE UNIVERSITY, ETC. 73
To bring this about will require on the part of some a definite persistent effort which may bring disagreements in its train. But institutions are rarely built on the basis of good nature alone. Somebody usually has to fight for them, and most pro- fessional men do not love a fight. The historian, however, who ought to be able to look to distant results, should feel himself justified in contending for a situation which shall be as nearly ideal as it can be made, even though to bring that about may hurt some people's feelings.
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wise.
74 THOMAS ROBSON HAY
THE BATTLE OF SPRING HILL
By
Thomas Robson Hay1
Alter the fall of Atlanta on September 2, 18G4, General John B. Hood led the Confederate Army of Tennessee to Love- joy's Station, southwest from Atlanta, and then to Palmetto, Georgia, thirty miles due west from Atlanta. General Sher- man, with his army, meantime remained in and about Atlanta.
At Palmetto, Hood passed nearly a month recruiting and re-organizing his defeated army, re-equipping it with such munitions, clothing, and supplies as could be secured, while at the same time watching Sherman and trying to fathom his intentions. But such a situation could not last. The physical, economic, and psychological state of the Confederacy required positive action. The edifice of secession was showing danger- ous signs of collapse. Something had to be done.
In the first week in October, after a personal conference with President Davis, who had visited the army in camp at Palmetto, Hood marched northward to strike Sherman's line of communication from Atlanta to Chattanooga, Nashville, and the North. Sherman promptly moved back after Hood, leaving the 20th Corps to guard Atlanta and his rear. After some minor engagements and the destruction of the railroads, in places, Hood drew off to the westward and on October 24 was at Decatur, Alabama. On the 30th he had gone as far west as Tuscumbia, Alabama, on the south bank of the Tennes- see River. Sherman remained in position at Gaylesville, in north-eastern Alabama, which place he had reached on October 25.
Hood's object in moving west to Decatur and Tuscumbia, 125 miles south from Nashville, Tennessee, was to draw Sher- man after him and thus make the capture of Atlanta "a bar- ren victory." But Sherman was not to be drawn into such a trap. Before Hood left Palmetto, Sherman had sent General George H. Thomas, commanding the Army of the Cumberland, back to Nashville with a division of the 4th Corps. He was to take command of the troops at that place and of those scat- tered over the intervening territory from Chattanooga to Louisville.
After Hood's movement northwards from Palmetto had be-
etle author has written a monograph— HOOD'S TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN— which was awarded the Robert M. Johnston Military History Prize of the American Historical Association at the December, 1920, meeting, and which critically considers this campaign from its inception to the final dispersion of Hood's army, in 1865, after its retreat from Nashville. The battle of Spring Hill is condensed from two chapters of this essay.
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THE BATTLE OP SPRING HILL 75
gun, it became evident that he might attempt to invade Tennes- see, capture Nashville, and advance into Kentucky and to the Ohio River, thus upsetting the Northern plans of campaign. Accordingly, the rest of the 4th Corps was sent to Thomas and, in October, General John M. Schofield, with the 23d Corps, and General A. J. Smith, with two divisions of the 16th Corps, which were operating in Missouri, were directed to report to Thomas.
Sherman remained in northern Georgia and Hood at Tus- cumbia, each watching the other. Sherman was the first to move. For some time he had been considering the advisability of a march from Atlanta to the Atlantic Ocean, at Savannah, in order to separate the eastern and western halves of the Confederacy. If successful, he would join hands with Grant, in Virginia, and together they would be able to crush Lee. After considerable correspondence, Sherman finally obtained Grant's approval. Early in November he began concentrating his army at Atlanta and on the 10th of November commenced the spectacular raid, known as The March to the Sea.
Hood, undecided as to what to do, delayed at Tuscumbia, to watch Sherman. The weather was cold and rainy, the roads became almost impassable, the supply railroad was in a bad state of repair, and Forrest, with his cavalry, was engaged in raiding operations in West Tennessee. Meantime Thomas was doing all he could to gather his scattered forces together in order to be able to oppose Hood effectively in any move that he might make, but his resources were none too great. Except for the 4th and the 23d Corps, numbering in all, some 25,000 effectives, Thomas had in his command only scattered and un- organized detachments and, at the beginning of the campaign his cavalry was deficient in numbers and practically unor- ganized. General James H. Wilson, whom Grant had ordered to Tennessee, did not arrive and take over the organization of the cavalry until after Hood had started north from Tus- cumbia.
On the 17th of November, Forrest and his cavalry having joined him, Hood finally began his long delayed march into Tennessee. He moved rapidly, flanking Schofield, command- ing Thomas's advanced forces, out of Pulaski, some 60 miles south of Nashville, and nearly cut his line of retreat at Colum- bia, where both commands faced each other during the 27th and 28th of November, 1864.
Hood's command consisted of the three infantry corps of A. P. Stewart, S. D. Lee, and B. F. Cheatham and Forrest's cavalry, made up of the divisions of W. H. Jackson, James R. Chalmers, and Abram Buford. Together with the artillery
76 THOMAS ROBSON HAY
and trains. Hood's army numbered some 30,000 effectives. Scho- field's command consisted of his own 23d Corps and D. S. Stanley's 4th Corps, with Wilson's cavalry, made up of Hatch's and Croxton's divisions. With artillery and trains, Schofield also had about 30,000 effectives.
On the night of November 27, Schofield withdrew to the north bank of the Duck River and took up a position overlook- ing the town. Hood's troops moved forward and occupied Columbia, but they made no attempt to cross the river.
As Schofield showed signs of continuing his retreat north- ward. Hood decided to continue his flanking movement. His plan was to lead Cheatham's and Stewart's corps and John- son's division, of Lee's corps, across the Duck River, above Columbia, and to make all speed to Spring Hill and block Schofield's line of retreat to Nashville. Lee, with Clayton's and Stevenson's divisions, together with the bulk of the artil- lery and the trains, was to remain in front of Columbia to demonstrate heavily against Schofield and to follow him closely if he retreated.2
. On the afternoon of the 28th, Forrest and his cavalry crossed the Duck River and as soon as General Wilson, who was in command of the Federal cavalry, heard of this movement he took energetic steps to make opposition, but was unable to unite his forces until late in the afternoon. At 1 A. M., Nov. 29, he learned of the plans for Hood's crossing and sent a message to Schofield advising him of the fact and suggest- ing that he at once put his entire command in motion for Spring Hill and Franklin.3 On receipt of this note, General D. S. Stanley was ordered to proceed to Spring Hill "to hold that place and cover the trains."4 Stanley started at 8 A. M., with two divisions, "all the artillery that could be spared, all the trains and ambulances to follow."5
During the night of the 28th, pontoon bridges were laid at Davis's Ford, five or six miles above Columbia,6 and at dawn of the 29th, Hood's troops begain crossing, Cleburne's division, of Cheatham's corps leading, with General Hood at the head of the column to see for himself what was going on and to personally superintend the carrying out of his orders.7
2John B. Hood, Advance & Retreat (1880), 283. Henceforth cited as "Hood." Hood's Report, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 45, part 1 :652. Henceforth cited as "O. R." Note — All O. R. citations relate to the first series.
3Wilson to Schofield, O. R. 45, part 1:1143; Wilson's Report, Ibid. :55s; J. H. Wilson, Under the Old Flag, 2:42-3. (1907)
4Schofield's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:341; Lt. Col. J. S. Fullerton, Journal of the 4th Army Corps, Ibid. : 147.
5Stanley's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:113.
6Jacob D. Cox, Franklin & Nashville — The March to the Sea, 6afn (Campaigns of the Civil War, 1881). Henceforth cited as "Cox."
'Hood, 283-84; Irving A. Buck, Cleburne & His Command, 311. (1908)
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VICINITY OP COLUMBIA TENN.
_K__^BB^_BHMH1
THE BATTLE OF SPRING HILL 77
Stewart followed, with .Johnson's division, of Lee's corps, bringing up the rear.8 Despite all efforts to accelerate the movement of his troops, it was 3 P. M. before Cleburne reached the Rally Hill pike, where it crossed Kutherford's Creek and distant about 2l/> miles from Spring Hill.0 No enemy was seen other than a few cavalry stragglers, on the entire march, until the troops came into the immediate vicinity of Spring
Hill.9 " (A) About 3 or I o'clock (Stewart) reached
Eutlierford's Creek as Cheatham's rear division was crossing. (He) received orders to halt and form on the south side of
the creek "10 Lee, with the troops left at Columbia,
was carrying out his part of the program to the letter and as Hood's leading troops approached Spring Hill the roar of Lee's guns could be distinctly heard.11
At about 4 P. M., General Hood was in front of Spring Hill with an army corps (Cheatham's) 9,800 strong12 and Forrest's cavalry, about 5,000 strong.13 A. P. Stewart's corps of about 8,500 men14 and Edward Johnson's division, of some 2,500 men, were nearby, close to the crossing of Rutherford's Creek and within easy supporting distance of Cheatham. No greater dis- tance than five miles separated any of these troops. Thus it will be seen that, at this time, Hood had a force of some 25,000 men with which to strike Stanley's single division (Wagner's) of some 5,500 men.15
General Schofield, uncertain as to Hood's intentions and as to the whereabouts of his main force, delayed withdrawing his command from about Columbia, although, as we have seen, he did send General Stanley and two divisions, with the trains and artillery, in the direction of Spring Hill. It was 3 P. M. before he (Schofield) became satisfied that he would not be attacked in force at Columbia, but that instead, Hood was hurrying to seize his line of retreat at Spring Hill.16
The success of this flanking movement was, in the opinion of General Hood, dependent on his ability to gain Schofield's
8Stewart's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:712.
8Hood, 284; B. F. Cheatham, The Lost Opportunity at Spring Hill, Papers, South- ern Historical Society, 9:524. (1881) Henceforth cited as "Cheatham, So. His. Sec."
9a J. P. Young, The Battle of Spring Hill, Confederate Veteran, 16.30. (1914) Henceforth cited as "Young, Con. Yet." This is the best account of the Confederate operations at Spring Hill and is based on extensive research and on a wide and extended correspondence with participants, both FederaJ and Confederate. Judge Young was present as a soldier in Forrest's cavalry. The study, however, does not attempt to deal critically with either Scholfield's or Wilson's movements.
"Stewart's Report, O. R. 45, part 1 :7i2.
"Hood, 284.
i:Return, Army of Tennessee, Nov. 20, 1864, O. R. 45, part 1:678.
"Forrest's Report, O. R. 45, part 1 :752.
"Stewart's Report, O. R. 45, part 1 :7o8. Stewart says he crossed Rutherford's Creek near sunset.
15Weekly Report, Army of the Cumberland, Nov. 28, 1864, O. R. 45, part 1:1133.
16Schofield's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:342.
78
THOMAS ROBSON HAY
rear before he was aware of it and to cut him off from Frank- Jin and his direct line of retreat to Nashville, either forcing him to stand and fight at a disadvantage or to turn off to the west on such roundabout country roads as he might find.
When his troops halted in view of the Columbia-Spring Hill pike, Hood writes that he sent for Cheatham and Cleburne and pointed out the Federal troops "retreating rapidly to es- cape . ." Cheatham was given a verbal order to get Cle- burne's division across the creek and to send him forward to attack the Federals and gain possession of the pike.17 Turning to Cleburne, Hood writes that he said: "General, you have heard the orders just given. You have one of my best divisions. Go with General Cheatham, assist him in every way you can and do as he directs. Go and do this at once. Stewart is near at hand and I will have him double-quick his men to the front."18 Cleburne was to communicate with General Forrest, who was near the village (of Spring Hill), ascertain from him the position of the enemy and attack at once.19 General Chea- tham was directed to remain at Eutherford's Creek and hurry forward Bate's division to support Cleburne. General Hood, himself, would see to it that General Brown's division was hurried into line.20
It will be seen from the foregoing that Hood was satisfied that Lee had succeeded in holding Schofield at Columbia and that that commander was, for the time being, deceived as to the real movements and intentions of the Confederate com- mander. Though General Hood writes that he could see the Federals "retreating rapidly" to escape him, as a matter of fact, there were no retreating Federals or wagon trains on the pike at that hour. Wagner had already taken position at and about Spring Hill and had parked hi* trains. Forrest was then in line in front of Bradley's brigade. General Hood was 2y2 miles away at Rutherford's Creek, where Brown's division was crossing. Stewart's corps was not "near at hand" nor was it under orders to "double-quick to the front," but was in line of battle south of Rutherford's Creek.21
17Hood, 284.
uHood, 284-85; Hood's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:652; Cheatham, So. His. Soc., 9.529. Cheatham denies the truth of Hood's alleged conversation with himself and Cleburne; D. W. Sanders, Southern Bivouac, 3:66, 357. (1883) This is the only- detailed and continuous narrative of Hood's Tennessee Campaign and contains much of interest and value relating to the battle of Spring hill. Sanders was a Major, A. A. G., on the staff of General S. G. French (Loring) )of Stewart's Corps and was a participant in the operations described.
"Cheatham, So. His. Soc, 9:524.
20Cheatham, So. His. Soc, 9:524-25.
2lSanders. So. Biv., 3:357 Stanley's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:117; Wagner's Re- port, Ibid.:229-3o; Hood's Report, Ibid.:6s2; Stewart's Report, Ibid. .-712; Forrest's Report, Ibid. :753.
THE BATTLE OF SPRING HILL 79
About 4 P. M. General Cleburne moved his command for- ward (westward) to the turnpike. A brigade of Forrest's caval- ry formed on his right, but had only four rounds of ammunition left per man. The attack and the direction of it was ordered by General Hood, in person, he having ridden to the front and assumed command, General Cheatham being still at the ford sending Bate's division forward.22 Cleburne, moving for- ward, rapidly drove in the Federal skirmishers and at about 4:30 P. M. his right brigade (Lowry's) struck the right of Brad- ley's brigade, of Wagner's division, posted on a slight eleva- tion and behind rail fences with woods in front and rear. Govan's brigade, on Lowry's left, also moved to the attack, Generals Cleburne and Forrest both riding with the column.23 Bradley's brigade, overlapped on its right and taken in reverse was drawn back across the pike to the outskirts of Spring Hill,24 though not without inflicting severe punishment on the advancing Confederates. Granbury's brigade, on Cleburne's left, advanced with little or no opposition.25
General Cheatham later wrote that Cleburne's advance "was such as had exposed his right flank (Lowry's brigade) to the enemy's line" and that he "had suffered severely" and "been compelled to fall back and reform his division with a change of front."26 He also stated that Cleburne "instead of advanc- ing directly on Spring Hill" had advanced a "little south of west and almost parallel with the pike, instead of mov- ing northwest." As "General Cleburne was killed in the as- sault upon Franklin (the next day) .... (Cheatham) had no opportunity to learn from him how it was that this error in direction occurred."27
General Hood, though he personally directed Cleburne'-s advance, characterized the attack as "feeble and partial",28 later writing that "Had my instructions been carried out, there is no doubt we should have possessed ourselves of the road (the Columbia to Franklin pike.)"29
After Bradley had withdrawn, Cleburne's division was halt- ed to reform and when in the act of again advancing, to take possession of the pike and thus to block Schofield's movement to Franklin, a staff officer arrived from General Cheatham di-
22Young, Con. Vet., 16.31.
23Young, Con. Vet., 16:31
24Bradley's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:269.
25Buck, Cleburne & His Command, 320.
26Cheatham, So. His. Soc, 9:525; General Lowry says that he "was not struck in flank" and that he "only had to make a slight change of direction . . . which was done without confusion," (Letter quoted in So. His. Soc, 9:536). This state- ment of Lowry's is confirmed by General D. C Govan, one of Cleburne's brigade commanders. (Quoted, Buck, Cleburne & His Command, 320.)
"Cheatham, So. His. Soc, 9:525.
28Hood's Report, O. R. 45, part 1:657.
^Hood, 285.
80 THOMAS ROBSON HAY
recting Cleburne to make no advance until "further orders,"30 It was now near sunset and Cleburne's division, with slight alterations of units to conform with the line of the division, "remained in line of battle until nightfall and then went into bivouac," facing the Columbia to Franklin pike.31 Cleburne was not "compelled to fall back," and was ready and anxious to continue the battle.
In the meantime Bate's division, which had been hurried forward by Cheatham, came up on Cleburne's left and moved westward, by direction of General Hood,32 with orders to reach the Columbia pike, after which it was to swing around north- eastward toward Spring Hill. Advancing in line of battle for more than a mile, as Bate heard firing on his right, in front of Cleburne, and as it was reported that that command had changed direction, Bate also changed direction slightly to the right and was rapidly driving the enemy across the pike when he received orders from Cheatham to halt and form on Cle- burne's left.33 This being done, Bate's command went into bivouac, facing northward. About 10 P. M., General Johnson's division, of Lee's corps, took position on Bate's left.34
About the time that Bate moved from Rutherford's Creek to take position to the left of Cleburne, General J. C. Brown's division arrived at the creek and was ordered to advance, take position on Cleburne's right, and attack. It was about 5 P. M. when Brown got into line and connected with Cleburne's right.35
Three courses were open to Hood on this day, the 29th of November. 1</